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Dedication This inaugural lecture is dedicated to Allah, the Almighty, the primal origin of all that exist, the source of the source, the quintessence of the very essence of what is essential. Allah, the Living, the All-Sustaining, the All-High, the Supreme

Protocol
The Vice Chancellor,
The Deputy Vice Chancellor (Development Services)
The Deputy Vice Chancellor (Management Services)
The Deputy Vice Chancellor (Academic and Research)
The Acting Registrar
The Bursar
The University Librarian
The Provost, College of Medicine
The Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences
Deans of Other Faculties
Members of the University Senate
The Head, Department of Mass Communications
Heads of Other Departments
Distinguished Academics and Professional Colleagues
Distinguished Non-Teaching Colleagues (Administrative and Technical)
Dear Students and Alumni
Members of the Press (Print and Electronic)
Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen

1.0 Preamble Madam Vice-Chancellor, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen,
It is both a profound honour and a rare privilege to stand before you on this momentous occasion to deliver the fifth inaugural lecture of the 2024/25 academic session. This moment carries special significance, being only the third inaugural lecture in the 58-year history of the Department of Mass Communication, and notably, the first ever delivered by an alumnus of this esteemed department. The words of Allah, the Almighty, resonate deeply within me on this day: “If you were to count the blessings of your Lord, they would indeed be countless. Which of the favors of your Lord will you deny?” Truly, I am a living testament to the boundless grace and favour of the Almighty.

My journey with the University of Lagos began in September 1986, when I joined the pioneering cohort of 100-level students admitted into the highly sought-after Mass Communication programme. At that time, Mass Communication was among the most competitive courses in Nigeria, offered in just four universities: the University of Nigeria, Nsukka; the University of Maiduguri; Bayero University, Kano; and, of course, the University of Lagos. The Department of Mass Communication here was, and remains, a jewel of distinction—a programme often likened to a harmonious blend of Harvard, Oxford, and Cambridge. To this day, I am immensely proud to be an alumnus of such a distinguished institution.

I completed my first degree in October 1990, ready to step into the world and make my mark. Driven by ambition, I embarked on my national youth service, intent on proving a friend and classmate, Okey Onwuchekwa, wrong in his prediction that I would excel in print journalism. My sights were set instead on public relations, which I believed offered the best opportunities for financial success—a sentiment widely shared among my peers at the time. Public relations and advertising were seen as the golden paths to prosperity, and I dreamed of joining the PR department of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC).

However, fate had other plans. My NYSC posting took me to the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO), not the NNPC. Initially, I viewed this as merely a detour—a place to fulfill my service obligation before moving on. But destiny, with its mysterious ways, decided otherwise for me. What began as a reluctant posting turned into an extraordinary eight-year journey that redefined my career and my life.

At the CLO, I assumed the role of Editor of Liberty Magazine, where I became what I now describe as a "reality merchant" and an advocate for framing narratives. Immersed in the world of activism, I found myself navigating the complexities of Nigeria's media landscape—particularly the formidable Lagos-Ibadan media axis, known for its ability to make or break governments. My task was to engage the media in shaping public discourse, crafting narratives that advanced the causes we championed.

The responses were as varied as the challenges: some media outlets welcomed our narratives and gave them prominence; others, constrained by their editorial policies, excluded them altogether. The most frustrating were those that distorted or diminished our efforts, relegating them to obscurity with the dreaded "meanwhile" treatment. These experiences profoundly shaped my understanding of media performance, framing, and the power of storytelling—a perspective that has guided my intellectual journey ever since.

As I reflect on these transformative experiences, I stand here today, a product of this great university and the lessons life has taught me, ready to share insights that I hope will inspire and provoke meaningful discourse.

Like many pro-democracy activists of that turbulent era, I experienced the grim reality of high-security detention under the Abacha regime. While my time in detention was brief compared to the ordeals endured by luminaries such as Olisa Agbakoba SAN, Chief Ayo Opadokun, Abdul Oroh, and Babafemi Ojudu, it left an indelible mark on me. I had the rare fortune of sharing a room at the Department of State Security Service detention facility on Awolowo Road with none other than Chief Ayo Opadokun. From him, I learned invaluable lessons in resilience, including how to survive on a meager 50-naira daily food allowance. For the duration of our detention, we subsisted on bread and black tea—a simple yet profound metaphor for perseverance in adversity. I remain deeply grateful to Chief Opadokun for his mentorship and camaraderie during that challenging time.

Madam Vice-Chancellor, distinguished guests,
Permit me to provide a brief background on how I engaged with and navigated the intricate media construction of reality during my years at the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO). By 1990, human rights advocacy was still a relatively novel addition to the dominant frames of ethnicity and religion that had long shaped the Nigerian mass media's coverage of politics. Media ownership was frequently scrutinized through the ethnic or religious affiliations of its proprietors, leaving no major platform explicitly dedicated to the promotion of human rights.

Faced with these constraints, human rights advocates had to creatively explore the structural routines of media organizations to find openings for their narratives. The CLO identified one such opportunity: leveraging the routinization of news coverage, particularly through correspondents assigned to specific beats. Between 1987 and 1990, this strategy proved effective in the judicial beat, where successful court cases brought by the CLO on behalf of detainees and prisoners often aligned with the news priorities of judicial correspondents. Consequently, the CLO’s activities in this domain were reported prominently, fostering relationships with key journalists covering the judiciary. This is how figures such as Richard Akinnola (then Vanguard Judicial Correspondent) and Abdul Oroh (Guardian Judicial Correspondent) became deeply involved with the CLO. Both would later rise to become pivotal leaders within the organization.

Beyond the judicial beat, however, CLO narratives struggled to penetrate mainstream media channels in the pre-1990 period, with one notable exception. In 1988, a groundbreaking joint investigation by the CLO and The Guardian newspaper uncovered the existence of Ita-Oko Island, a clandestine penal facility established by the Federal Government in the mid-1970s. The horrifying scale of human rights abuses uncovered by this investigation drew parallels with South Africa’s infamous Robben Island, as documented in the CLO’s Annual Report of Activities and Accounts, 1994. The exposé catalyzed widespread public outrage and ultimately led to the facility’s closure.

This collaboration marked a turning point in the CLO’s relationship with the Nigerian media. The Editor of The Guardian was subsequently appointed to the CLO’s board, cementing a mutually beneficial partnership. Through this strategic alliance, the CLO gained access to an influential platform that amplified its advocacy, enabling it to engage with an audience that might otherwise have been out of reach. This experience, like many others during my tenure at the CLO, reinforced the critical role of innovative media engagement in advancing human rights narratives within a constrained and often hostile environment.

However, the majority of the Civil Liberties Organisation’s (CLO) press releases addressing government policies and actions were often ignored by The Guardian and other mainstream newspapers. At that time, the CLO had not yet established itself as a traditional news source akin to government officials, institutions, political parties, or prominent politicians. On the rare occasions our releases were used, they were frequently relegated to “meanwhile” sections—brief, balancing comments appended to larger stories, which effectively muted our message. This challenge became a pivotal factor in the CLO’s decision to create LIBERTY magazine, an in-house publication dedicated to articulating the organisation’s perspectives on critical human rights and political developments in Nigeria.

When I joined the CLO in 1990, I was assigned to LIBERTY as a researcher and staff writer. However, by January 1992, I was appointed editor of the magazine. The responsibility of transforming LIBERTY into the organisation’s primary advocacy mouthpiece rested squarely on my shoulders. Beyond my editorial duties, I engaged with the media using three key strategies: cooptation, networking, and sponsorship.

Cooptation:
To strengthen LIBERTY’s reach and relevance, the editorial board was deliberately structured to include journalists from various influential media outlets, such as The News magazine, TELL magazine, Newswatch, The Guardian, and National Concord. Before each edition of LIBERTY was produced, the board convened editorial meetings to deliberate on national events and identify the most pressing issues for coverage. Story ideas were brainstormed and assignments were delegated, often to board members and occasionally to external contributors.

The resulting editions of LIBERTY often attracted media attention, with reviews and discussions in mainstream outlets drawing broader public interest to its content. The political climate of the early 1990s further enhanced this dynamic. The launch of The News magazine in 1992, coupled with the military government’s escalating repression of TELL magazine, reshaped media-government relations in Nigeria.

LIBERTY became an ally to these embattled publications, reporting extensively on their struggles and amplifying their plight. In turn, these organisations supported LIBERTY: The News printed thousands of copies of LIBERTY at no cost, while TELL published advertisements for the CLO free of charge. This symbiotic relationship between LIBERTY and these prominent media organisations underscored the success of the cooptation strategy, fostering a robust alliance with journalists and media houses committed to human rights advocacy.

Yet, despite these efforts, the editorial board of LIBERTY consisted of only a small number of media professionals. To further mainstream human rights issues and integrate them into political discourse, it became evident that the CLO needed to expand its outreach to a broader network of journalists. This realization led to the adoption of the second strategy: networking.

Networking
In 1995, the Journalists Outreach for Human Rights (JOHR) was established as an innovative platform for fostering dialogue and collaboration between Nigerian journalists and human rights activists. The primary objectives of JOHR included promoting the exchange of ideas on human rights and democracy and bridging the gap between media professionals and advocacy organisations. Unlike the editorial board of LIBERTY, which was composed exclusively of print journalists, JOHR’s membership extended across both print and electronic media, reflecting a more inclusive and diverse approach.

The network facilitated numerous programmes aimed at strengthening the synergy between journalists and human rights advocates. For the journalists, membership came with tangible benefits, including fully sponsored trips to cover human rights issues within and beyond Nigeria, legal representation from the CLO when targeted by the state’s repressive apparatus, and support for the families of detained journalists. These provisions made JOHR a lifeline for many journalists working under oppressive conditions.

Despite these efforts, securing front-page coverage for certain human rights issues remained an ongoing challenge, largely due to the political economy of mass media organisations. To navigate this, the CLO adopted strategic sponsorships to ensure coverage.

Sponsorship:
One notable example was Rights Time, a twelve-week human rights-focused programme aired in 1995 on the Lagos State Broadcasting Corporation, a government-owned station. Sponsored by the CLO, the programme explored critical issues such as the right to housing, bail processes, detainees’ rights, and environmental rights. Political topics that touched directly on governance were excluded due to the nature of the broadcaster, but the programme succeeded in demonstrating that the CLO was not inherently antagonistic toward the government.

Another instance of sponsorship involved investigative reporting. In 1995, the CLO sponsored a journalist from TELL magazine to produce an in-depth report on the Ogoni crisis. Although the journalist was arrested while gathering materials for the story, the arrest itself became news, further amplifying the CLO’s advocacy. Similarly, in 1997, a journalist from The Guardian was sponsored to cover the Niger Delta crisis. Her reports were published in The Guardian and LIBERTY magazine, and her growing interest in this area ultimately earned her several prestigious awards.

From Advocacy to Academia
These experiences in strategic media engagement and the construction of reality laid a strong foundation for my transition into academia. In 1997, I was awarded the prestigious British Chevening Scholarship and embarked on a transformative academic journey at Leicester University, United Kingdom. I pursued a master’s degree in mass communication—returning to the field of my first degree—at Leicester’s Centre for Mass Communication Research, renowned as one of Europe’s leading hubs for critical scholarship in mass communication at the time.

At Leicester, I delved deeply into the concept of the public sphere, examining how media platforms can counteract the absolutist tendencies of military dictatorships. Building on this foundation, I pursued a PhD at the same institution, focusing on the interplay between media, politics, and public policy. My doctoral research explored the power and influence of advocacy organisations like the CLO in shaping political mobilisation and public discourse.

Before joining the University of Lagos on June 1, 2011, I participated in several public-spirited initiatives in the United Kingdom, including the Centre for African Resources Research and Development (CARRD), Educational Support Initiative for Africa (ESIFA), Forum for Sustainable Democracy Africa (FOSDA), and the Healthittitude Project. These engagements enriched my understanding of global advocacy and public policy.

At the University of Lagos, I have been privileged to contribute to a range of impactful initiatives, including the Bloomberg Media Initiative Africa, Academics Stand Against Poverty, and the African Cities Research Consortium. In the latter, I support uptake activities across 12 African cities, a project supported by the Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Office (FCDO) and the University of Manchester. Additionally, I lead a national research effort under the Centre for Journalism, Innovation and Development (CJID) to develop a framework for measuring press freedom and freedom of expression in Nigeria as part of the VOICE project.

Since 2017, I have been actively involved in the internationalisation efforts of the University of Lagos, working with three Vice-Chancellors to enhance the university’s global visibility and expand its presence in the international higher education ecosystem. Through these efforts, I have sought to increase opportunities for UNILAG staff and students to engage with the global academic community. Madam Vice-Chancellor, distinguished guests, the narrative I have shared reflects the factors and historical contexts that have shaped my career trajectory and culminated in today’s inaugural lecture.

2.0 The Art of Asking the Right Question
As a master’s student at the Centre for Mass Communication Research (CMCR), I had the privilege of being taught by the eminent Professor James Halloran, the founder of the CMCR and one of the most esteemed scholars in mass communication research. For Professor Halloran, the cornerstone of meaningful research lay in asking the right questions. He believed that many of society’s problems are too hastily attributed to a failing media system. While it is true that a failing media system contributes to some societal challenges, it is merely one factor among a multitude of elements shaping our world.

In this spirit, my inaugural lecture is an invitation to reflect on a fundamental question: What should be the role of journalism and the media in society? To address this, I will critically evaluate how the media has performed in meeting societal expectations, exploring the realities and challenges of journalism today.

2.1 My Choice of Focus
Some of my colleagues suggested that I centre my inaugural lecture on my contributions to internationalization efforts at the University of Lagos. While such a focus has its merits, I felt it would overlook the intellectual engagement my students and I have had on the broader contributions of the University of Lagos to global communication scholarship. Madam Vice Chancellor, my dual identity as an activist and an academic has afforded me a unique perspective. Activism exposed me to the power of the media and the practical intricacies of journalism, which I view as the craft of sense-making, public deliberation, and communicative action. My experiences often challenged existing theories and pushed the boundaries of what we know and what is possible.

The title of today’s lecture, Casino Journalism and the End of History, emerged from these reflections. Initially, I had considered titling it Reality of News and the Rest of Us, but a fortuitous conversation with my friend, Mojeed Alabi, changed my direction. We agreed that the pervasive challenges facing journalism in Nigeria demanded a direct and bold response. Around the same time, Mr. Dapo Olorunyomi, one of journalism’s leading lights, engaged me to develop a credible annual ranking system to evaluate journalism performance, press freedom, and freedom of expression in Nigeria and Africa—one that would transcend Western-centric frameworks like those of Reporters Without Borders or Freedom House.

2.3 Defining "Casino Journalism" When I settled on Casino Journalism as the topic of my inaugural lecture, several friends were intrigued and asked me to elaborate. After explaining, they offered their own interpretations: kalo-kalo journalism, eyi je, eyi o je journalism (this eats, this doesn’t eat journalism), cocktail journalism, and, of course, brown envelope journalism. Many lauded the topic, believing it would finally confront the scourge of unethical practices like brown envelope journalism. However, I argue that reducing the crisis in journalism to brown envelope practices alone risks oversimplifying and cosmeticizing what is, in truth, a systemic, structural, and existential problem within the industry.

The last and second inaugural lecture from the Department of Mass Communication delivered by one of the titans in the field Professor Ralph Afolabi Akinfeleye, framed journalism in Nigeria as being caught between two identities: the Fourth Estate of the Realm and the Fourth Estate of the Wreck. This dual characterization underscores the intrinsic connection between journalism’s performance and the governance structures of society. Media platforms, as the primary vehicles of journalism, play a critical role in this dynamic.

My lecture, Casino Journalism and the End of History, seeks to expand on Professor Akinfeleye’s question: Is journalism the Fourth Estate of the Realm or the Fourth Estate of the Wreck? I contend that, without urgent intervention, we are sliding dangerously toward the wreck. Today, we may be sleepwalking into the ruin of societal structures, driven by a media ecosystem under threat from various forces:
● The rise of blogs and clickbait-driven content
● The pervasive influence of foreign-owned media shaping our consciousness in Nigeria
● The increasing reliance on news sourced from social media platforms, often from sources lacking credibility
● The prevalence of news aggregation sites that prioritize sensationalism over substance

2.4 Casino Journalism:
A Framework for Understanding What is casino journalism? And what does the "end of history" mean in this context? These are the central questions I aim to unpack in today’s lecture. The concept of casino journalism is my critique of the evolving media landscape—one where randomness, sensationalism, and profit-driven motives dominate the journalistic enterprise. In such a landscape, journalistic integrity and the public good are often sacrificed at the altar of short-term gain and click-worthy content.

The “end of history,” in this context, reflects the existential risk posed by these practices to journalism’s role as a cornerstone of democracy. When journalism loses its compass, we risk a society devoid of critical inquiry, accountability, and truth—a society where history, in its truest sense, ceases to evolve.

Madam Vice Chancellor, distinguished guests, I will use this lecture to explore these pressing issues, offering a roadmap for reclaiming journalism’s place as the Fourth Estate of the Realm. Let us embark on this critical journey together.

2.5 The Intellectual Foundations of Casino Journalism
Madam Vice Chancellor, to set the stage for this lecture, I would like to foreground some of the intellectual discourses that have significantly shaped my thoughts on today’s topic. Over the years, I have drawn inspiration from the works of numerous scholars, forming what I call my intellectual enclave. These scholars and their ideas have provided a rich tapestry of perspectives, enabling me to interrogate the role and performance of media in society.

Noam Chomsky and Manufacturing Consent
One of the most profound influences on my intellectual journey is Noam Chomsky, whose work, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, co-authored with Edward Herman, remains seminal in media studies. Early in my teaching career at the University of Lagos, I had the privilege of incorporating this critical text into the Master’s curriculum for the courses Communications Theory and Bibliography of Mass Communication. I reached out to Chomsky, who graciously allowed me to include his work in our readings and agreed to deliver a public lecture at our university. Unfortunately, the lecture had to be canceled due to strike action.

In Manufacturing Consent, Herman and Chomsky present the propaganda model of media, exploring how news content is shaped by ownership structures, advertising, and elite influence. They argue that rather than serving the public interest, the media operates as a tool for the privileged few, ensuring that the public aligns with elite agendas. Their analysis reveals a media system skewed by five filters:
1. Ownership and profit motive
2. Advertising dependency
3. Government influence
4. Flak and anti-dissent mechanisms
5. Ideological alignment

The book critiques the media’s failure to act as a watchdog, instead manufacturing consent for the ruling elite through selective reporting, agenda-setting, and ideological reinforcement. This idea resonates strongly with my reflections on media performance and its impact on public discourse and democracy.

The ideas espoused by Chomsky and Herman have been validated by many media organisation’s appeal to public spirited individuals to support them to remain independent. Madam Vice Chancellor below is an appeal for support by the Guardian newspaper in the United Kingdom and Premium Times in Nigeria. In an appeal to members of the public for support, the Guardian Newspaper (London) put the dire straits into which independent media platforms had fallen this way: This is what we're up against A media ecosystem dominated by a handful of billionaire owners. Bad actors spreading disinformation online to fuel intolerance. Teams of lawyers from the rich and powerful trying to stop us publishing stories they don’t want you to see. Lobby groups with opaque funding who are determined to undermine facts about the climate emergency and other established science. Authoritarian states with no regard for the freedom of the press. *** But we have something powerful on our side.

We’ve got you.
Premium Times, Nigeria: Nigerians need credible journalism. Help us report it. Support journalism driven by facts, created by Nigerians for Nigerians. Our thorough, researched reporting relies on the support of readers like you. Help us maintain free and accessible news for all with a small donation. Every contribution guarantees that we can keep delivering important stories —no paywalls, just quality journalism.

Manuel Castells and the Network Society Manuel Castells’ works, particularly his trilogy (The Rise of the Network Society, The Power of Identity, and The End of the Millennium), and The Power of Communication, have also profoundly influenced my thinking. Castells’ exploration of the ubiquity of media and its societal impact provided a framework for understanding the networked dynamics of modern society. His work sharpened my perspective on how media structures and performances intersect with identity, power, and resistance.

Todd Gitlin and Contested Media Narratives
Todd Gitlin’s The Whole World Is Watching examines media coverage of the 1960s anti-Vietnam War protests, providing a critique of how media narratives can distort grassroots movements. Gitlin argues that the media trivialized the protests, framing participants through reductive stereotypes and aligning public perception with establishment interests. His assertion that the media often acts as an instrument of cultural dominance aligns with my observations on the media’s role in shaping societal narratives, often at the expense of marginalized voices.

Susan Strange and Casino Capitalism
The metaphor of the casino in today’s lecture owes its origins to Susan Strange, whose book Casino Capitalism critiques the speculative, unstable nature of modern global finance. Strange’s analysis of how speculative elites manipulate economic systems resonates with the challenges in contemporary journalism, where sensationalism and clickbait culture often overshadow substantive, investigative reporting. Her critique of the risks and inequalities exacerbated by such systems mirrors my concerns about journalism’s trajectory toward what I term casino journalism.

2.7 Theoretical Foundations in Mass Communication
My academic journey has also been shaped by the critical engagement with major schools of thought in mass communication, particularly:
1. The Frankfurt School, which critiques the culture industry’s role in diverting attention and controlling the masses through entertainment.
2. The Birmingham School, emphasizing encoding/decoding processes and the influence of primary definers in shaping news narratives.
3. The Chicago School, which views journalists as interpretive actors within society.
4. The Toronto School, with Marshall McLuhan’s seminal ideas such as the medium is the message and the global village, concepts that are increasingly relevant in the age of digital media and influencers.
5. The Annenberg School, which introduced cultivation analysis, highlighting how media exposure shapes societal realities.
I have had the privilege of learning from and interacting with some of the most influential scholars in mass communication, including Dennis McQuail, James Halloran, and Annabelle Sreberny—all of blessed memory. I have also been guided by scholars such Ralph Akinfeleye, Adidi Uyo, Delu Ogunade, Victor Ayedun-Aluma, Andrew Moemeka, Oliver Boyd-Barrett, Diana Mitlin, Jo Angouri, Adebayo Ninalowo and many others whose ideas continue to enrich my understanding of media, society, and communication. These intellectual traditions form the bedrock of today’s lecture, Casino Journalism and the End of History. They challenge us to critically examine the performance of journalism in our society, question its trajectory, and reimagine its role as a catalyst for democratic accountability and social transformation.

3.0 Why understanding the growing influence of Casino journalism is important? Media As Sites of Power Contest

Madam Vice Chancellor, allow me to share an anecdote that vividly illustrates how media power is navigated and contested in the political arena, shaping the dominant narratives in public discourse.

In March 1998, I was entrusted with managing the campaign activities of the Civil Liberties Organisation, standing in for my colleague, Dr. Tunde Akanni, who was away on a fellowship program at Columbia University. At that time, the political landscape of Nigeria was firmly under the control of General Sani Abacha. Through manipulation and coercion, he had successfully compelled all five government-recognized political parties to adopt him as their sole presidential candidate. To solidify this illusion of public endorsement, his supporters organized a two-million-man rally in Abuja.

The opposition, however, faced insurmountable challenges: many leaders were in exile, imprisoned, or had met untimely deaths. In this oppressive climate, the pro-democracy movement had little recourse but to wield the power of narrative. As Abacha’s camp staged their two-million-man march, we crafted a counter-narrative—a five-million-man march. Although we knew we could barely mobilize 1,000 protesters amidst the pervasive fear and repression, our framing strategy turned the tide. Media outlets embraced and amplified this counter-narrative, lending it unexpected legitimacy.

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On the day of the protest, fewer than 200 demonstrators gathered at Yaba, only to be met with a heavily armed contingent of mobile police officers. The protest was violently disrupted, and arrests followed, but as Todd Gitlin famously remarked, the world was watching. By the next day, headlines across various media platforms boldly proclaimed, “Five-Million-Man March Disrupted in Lagos.” Despite the overwhelming turnout in Abuja, our narrative had successfully undermined the legitimacy of the rally.

This episode underscores a profound reality: the media are indeed sites of power, capable of legitimizing or delegitimizing authority. As Hall (1977) and Altschull (1984) argue, the media function as both agents and instruments of political control. Those who wield political authority understand that managing information and controlling narratives are central to capturing, retaining, and exercising power.

Institutions such as the BBC, CNN, Al Jazeera, and in Nigeria, TVC, Channels, and Arise, exemplify the diverse ways in which media frame both local and global events. Local outlets often reflect their political affiliations, while international media exhibit clear biases, particularly in emotive and polarizing conflicts, such as those between Israel and Palestine or Russia and Ukraine.

Street (2001) observes that the media’s power lies in their ability to circulate ideas and images that shape public thoughts and actions. Downing (1995) highlights how underground press movements contributed to the weakening of authoritarian regimes, such as the Soviet Union and other nations behind the Iron Curtain. Similarly, Sreberny-Mohammadi and Mohammadi (1994) detail how media efforts played a critical role in dismantling the absolutist rule of the Shah in Iran. In Africa, Maja-Pearce (1995) links the fall of one-party states in the late 1980s to the rise of independent media, while scholars like Campbell (1995), Ihonvbere (1996), and Olugboji (1994) emphasize the Nigerian press’s vital role in the nation’s transition to democracy.

The interplay between media and power has been examined from various theoretical perspectives. Castells (2009) argues that power resides in shaping meaning through processes of communication within global and local multimedia networks. While the state's monopoly on violence remains a historical source of power, Castells underscores that even violence or intimidation requires the framing of individual and collective perceptions to ensure its effectiveness.

Habermas (2006) identifies four types of power—political, social, economic, and media power. He emphasizes that media professionals—reporters, editors, producers—exercise influence by selecting and framing politically relevant content, shaping public opinion, and determining the agenda. This process, which manifests through agenda-setting, priming, and framing, underscores the media’s critical role in constructing and contesting authority.

Habermas further explores the concept of the public sphere, a space where political messages—from politicians, lobbyists, civil society, and others—flow through networks of communication. These messages are curated by media professionals and consumed by diverse audiences, creating a dynamic exchange of ideas. The mass media’s power lies in their ability to mediate these exchanges, serving as both conduits and creators of public discourse.

This account, coupled with theoretical insights, reaffirms that the media are not merely passive channels of communication but active participants in societal power dynamics. They mediate interactions, amplify narratives, and shape perceptions, acting as both instruments and arenas of contestation. Whether legitimizing authority or empowering dissent, the media’s influence is a cornerstone of political and social processes. In Nigeria, the mass media—particularly the press—have, since their inception in 1859, played pivotal roles in shaping the nation’s social, political, and economic landscape.

They have also been instrumental in setting the agenda for Nigeria’s political evolution. It is widely acknowledged that Nigeria’s political history is deeply intertwined with its media history, reflecting the profound impact of the media at key moments in the country’s development and the reciprocal influence of politics on the trajectory and priorities of Nigeria’s mass media (Omu, 1978).

From the struggle for independence to the fight for the return of democratic governance during the years of military rule, and the subsequent efforts to sustain democracy, Nigeria’s media have been central to shaping public discourse and guiding the nation’s political journey.

During the era of the independence struggle, notable nationalist journalists—including Horatio Jackson, Herbert Macaulay, Nnamdi Azikiwe, A.Y.S. Tinubu, Anthony Enahoro, Smart Ebi, and Increase Coker—skillfully utilized the press, particularly newspapers, as tools for mobilizing support and championing the cause of freedom from colonial rule (Okoye, 2003; Ajibade, 2001). Babatunde Jose, celebrated as the doyen of Nigerian journalism, famously remarked that Nigeria’s fight for independence was “fought and won on the pages of newspapers.” This period is fittingly referred to as the era of the nationalist press in Nigerian media history.

Similarly, during the years of military dictatorship, the Nigerian media emerged as a formidable force of opposition, serving as the dissenting voice against successive military regimes that intermittently held power from 1966 to 1999. The vibrant and resilient media of this era championed the struggle for the restoration of democracy, exposing the excesses of authoritarian rulers. This courageous period in the nation’s history is often called the era of guerrilla journalism (Olukotun, 2005: 9).

Since Nigeria’s return to democratic governance in 1999, the media have remained indispensable stakeholders in the nation’s democratic processes. They have played an active role in shaping political discourse, framing debates, guiding policy discussions, and mobilizing mass participation in political activities. Among the critical developments in Nigeria’s contemporary democracy that have been influenced by media narratives are the aborted third-term agenda of former President Olusegun Obasanjo, the political crisis surrounding the illness of late President Umaru Yar’Adua, the emergence of President Goodluck Jonathan, and the outcomes of the 2015, 2019, and 2023 presidential elections.

The media’s agenda-setting power is further demonstrated through the activities of human rights organizations like the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO). In the 1990s, CLO effectively employed the media to frame democratization in Nigeria as a human rights issue, mobilizing a broad network of pro-democracy advocates. By leveraging publications such as LIBERTY, the CLO highlighted issues that were previously absent from public discourse, such as press freedom, extra-judicial killings, and students’ rights. LIBERTY, the CLO’s quarterly publication, was particularly influential. With journalists from various media organizations serving on its editorial board, LIBERTY not only served as a campaign platform but also as a means of rallying media professionals to the cause of human rights advocacy. Between 1990 and 1999, twenty-eight editions of LIBERTY were published despite the dire conditions under which human rights activism operated in Nigeria, especially between 1993 and 1998.

Initially, LIBERTY focused on issues such as press freedom, the rights of children on death row, and international human rights. However, from 1992 onward, its thematic focus shifted dramatically to the democracy project, maintaining this emphasis until its final publication in 1999. This shift mirrored the growing urgency of the democratic struggle and underscored the critical role of the media in shaping public opinion, mobilizing civic participation, and fostering collective action during a transformative period in Nigeria’s history.

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Through their enduring commitment to social justice, democracy, and human rights, the Nigerian media have continually demonstrated their capacity as powerful agents of change, weaving themselves into the fabric of the nation’s political evolution and solidifying their role as a cornerstone of Nigeria’s democratic journey.

Gamson (1975) suggests that in its formative stages, an organization must establish itself through traditional means of mobilization by creating its own structures and networks to foster a sense of collectivity and ensure continuity across time and space. Prior to 1991, civil society organisations in Nigeria struggled to form a cohesive pro-democracy network. However, with the formation of the Campaign for Democracy (CD) in 1991, the focus of the CLO’s campaign media, LIBERTY, shifted accordingly. By 1992, its cover themes had evolved to address issues such as repression of the independent media, the CLO’s fifth anniversary, and notably, the national question.

The political transition program initiated in 1985 was intended to culminate in the inauguration of a democratically elected government by August 1993. However, clear signs indicated that the transition from military rule to democracy would not proceed smoothly. Organizations like the CLO, through the CD, accused the military regime of General Babangida of harbouring a hidden agenda aimed at derailing the transition to prolong military rule. These suspicions were mirrored in the thematic direction of LIBERTY, which by then had placed democratization at the forefront of its agenda. This focus persisted until the successful inauguration of a civilian government in May 1999. Two significant editions of LIBERTY in 1995 and 1996 addressed the ramifications of the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight Ogoni environmental activists. Titled “Judicial Murder” and “My Story - Ken Saro-Wiwa,” these issues captured the intensified repression of civil society organizations and activists as well as the political machinations surrounding General Sani Abacha’s efforts to perpetuate his rule. These editions not only chronicled political developments but also highlighted the CLO’s framing of issues to influence discourse around democratization and civil rights. Although it is challenging to quantify the CLO’s influence on media discourse about democratization, its strategic focus on democracy after forming a pro-democracy network and articulating specific demands lends credibility to its impact. Articles in LIBERTY often underscored the injustices of a democratic transition process that excluded opposition voices. For instance, in their article “Journey Without Destination,” Akanni and Ojo (1997) argued that the transition program was designed solely to facilitate General Sani Abacha’s self-succession as president.

Another prominent framing strategy was portraying military rule and its transition program as a war against the Nigerian people. In LIBERTY (1996:10), an article asserted: “It is a war against all fronts, against everybody and everything, except the country’s ever-worsening economic and political problems… Nigeria today is a complete landscape of repression, of unnecessary and unmitigated assault on its populace by a junta only comfortable with its own voice and that of its army of collaborators, and desirous of an unchallenged reign of fist and iron.”

The CLO also framed democratization as a struggle between “we” (pro-democracy groups) and “others” (military and civilian actors opposed to genuine democracy). This framing extended to the creation of democracy advocacy networks, including the CD, United Action for Democracy (UAD), Transition Monitoring Group (TMG), and a political platform, the Democratic Alternative (DA).

3.2.1 News Construction of Human Rights Issues: April 1990 Military Coup
To examine the framing and construction of democracy in the media, The Guardian newspaper was analyzed, focusing on news and editorials from its front and back pages, where the most critical stories are typically featured. Materials that best reflected the central issues of three significant events—the April 1990 coup attempt, the June 12 elections, and the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni activists—were purposively selected for discussion.

Tilly (1975) and Tarrow (1989, 1994) argue that movements and conflicts do not arise in isolation but are often concentrated in particular political and historical contexts. The organization and success of a movement must be analyzed within the broader orientations of its era. Dominant worldviews during these periods shape, and are shaped by, the collective actions and representations produced by movements. In this context, the CLO’s framing activities during these critical events demonstrate its role in shaping public discourse, mobilizing collective action, and influencing the broader narrative of democratization in Nigeria.

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An analysis of The Guardian's news coverage in March, April, and May 1990 revealed that issues related to governance and democracy were allocated 12.6%, 11.6%, and 17.9% of the total news content, respectively. Despite the relatively low percentage, the significance of certain news items becomes evident through a closer discourse analysis. Notably, April, the month of the coup attempt, recorded the lowest percentage of coverage among the three months. However, this figure belies the importance of the issues addressed in the news stories selected for further analysis.

In contrast, the editorials in The Guardian demonstrated a stronger focus on governance and democracy. April had the highest editorial coverage at 61.5%, followed by March at 30.8%, and May at 16.7%. Editorials, representing the newspaper’s official stance, reflect The Guardian’s commitment to these critical issues. Two editorials specifically examined the roles of professional associations and NGOs in promoting the rule of law and democratization in Nigeria. These pieces preceded the formation of democracy advocacy networks and the CLO’s adoption of an overtly political role, highlighting The Guardian’s early engagement with these themes.

The editorials mirrored the frames employed by the CLO and other democracy advocacy networks but were published before these networks were formally established. As these editorials predated the April coup, they focused primarily on the arbitrary nature of military governance and emphasized the need for accountability and the rule of law. Discussions of the structural nature of the Nigerian state, including themes of ethnicity, religion, domination, and marginalization, had not yet become central to the political discourse.

The attempted coup in April 1990 marked a turning point, introducing new dimensions to the political dialogue. Issues such as ethnic and religious marginalization gained prominence, as illustrated by the news items analyzed. The first story highlighted the reactions of Christian leaders to the arrest and detention of prominent Christian figures following the coup. Their protests emphasized perceived marginalization in government appointments and resonated with some of the grievances expressed by the coup plotters. In a second story, Professor Wole Soyinka, a leading opposition figure, responded to the coup by urging the government to consider religion as a “core issue of security.”

The arrest of Christian leaders following the coup led to widespread protests by Christian communities across Nigeria. The demands made by these leaders—centered on addressing religious marginalization—echoed the concerns raised by the coup plotters. The Guardian’s reports, such as its May 25, 1990 front-page coverage, underscore the intersection of religious and political grievances in shaping public discourse during this period. This highlights the newspaper's role in reflecting and amplifying the complexities of governance and democratization in a context of heightened ethnic and religious tensions.

3.2.2 News Construction of Human Rights Issues: June 12 Crisis
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During the June 12 crisis, The Guardian increased its focus on democracy and governance issues. In July, over half (53.2%) of the news content was dedicated to these topics, followed by 46.8% in June and 39.8% in May. This heightened attention aligns with the significant political events before the June 12 election and the aftermath of its annulment. Similarly, the editorials mirrored this trend, with July showing the highest focus at 61.5%, followed by June at 30.8% and May at 25%. The month of July was particularly notable for the widespread pro-democracy protests demanding the announcement of the election results and an end to military rule.

In the lead-up to the June 12 elections, Nigeria witnessed increasing agitation for the renegotiation of the country’s political foundation. Following the April 1990 coup, groups with similar grievances to the coup plotters began to emerge, reflecting deepening dissatisfaction with the status quo. Besides calls for the termination of military rule and a power shift from the North to the South, issues such as General Babangida’s alleged self-succession agenda and growing demands for self-determination became prominent. The Guardian captured these dynamics by covering both the election and the rising calls for political realignments.

Religion played a significant role in the democratization process leading up to June 12. The Social Democratic Party’s (SDP) presidential ticket featured two Muslim candidates, a decision deemed insensitive in a nation reliant on balancing powerful ethnic and religious interests. Interestingly, this scenario was repeated during the 2023 elections with the Muslim-Muslim ticket of Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Kashim Shettima of the All Progressives Congress (APC), who emerged victorious.

After the annulment of the June 12 election, religious leaders adopted different approaches. Muslim leaders chose conciliatory tactics, working behind the scenes, while Christian leaders were more vocal, openly condemning the annulment and demanding the announcement of the results. The Campaign for Democracy (CD), while avoiding religious rhetoric, called for the release of political detainees and the reversal of the annulment.

The annulled June 12 election exposed Nigeria’s deep political fault lines. Ethnicity emerged as a critical factor, with pro-democracy protests succeeding in Yoruba-dominated areas of Southwest Nigeria but faltering elsewhere. This underscores the enduring influence of ethnic allegiances in Nigerian politics and the power of the media, particularly the so-called “Lagos-Ibadan press,” in mobilizing social and political action.

The editorials in the Guardian also reflected the pattern set in the coverage of news. July had the highest percentage with 61.5%, followed by June with 30.8% and May 25%. The month of July was when pro-democracy organizations staged a series of protests to demand the announcement of the results of the June 12 presidential election and the termination of military rule.

From the items discussed above, the June 12 elections ripped open the fault lines in Nigeria’s troubled political history. The success of pro-democracy demonstrations in the heartland of the Yoruba in Southwest Nigeria and their failure outside the Yoruba areas underline the importance of ethnic pull in Nigerian politics and the power of the media for social mobilization – with the ‘Lagos-Ibadan press’ at the front of the battle line, as it were. While the CLO did not use religious rhetoric to appeal to Babangida, it did call for the release of all political detainees as well as the de-annulment of the June 12 election.

3.2.3 News Construction of Human Rights Issues: The Ogoni Crisis
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For the Ogoni crisis, the pattern of coverage was 28.7% for October, 31.6% for November, and 27.1% for December. For the editorials, it was 16.7% in October, 21.4% for November, and 21.4% for December. Although slightly different, the pattern of coverage of the Ogoni crisis was similar to that of the April 1990 coup. The June 12 crisis received more attention than the other two, perhaps because it affected two of the largest ethnic groups in Nigeria.

In the cover story on the front page of The Guardian two days after the execution of the Ogoni activists, the mounting international pressure following the international outrage that greeted the killings was the focus of the news item. It reported the efforts of the Commonwealth to punish Nigeria. The newspaper also justified the action of the Commonwealth on Nigeria by arguing that the demand on “Nigeria is in compliance with principles of the Articles of the Harare Declaration.” The 1991 Declaration, to which the Saturday suspension of Nigeria’s membership was ascribed, outlined the priorities of the Commonwealth as the promotion of democracy, human rights, and good governance. It is a consensus document supported by all the governments that attended the summit, including Nigeria. The item also carried the reaction of the Nigerian government but balanced the views of Nigerian government officials with those of Nigerians critical of the official stance.

In reporting the Ogoni crisis, there seems to be a shift in the political discourse in the Guardian, from the domestic environment to the international environment. This mirrors the strategic shift in the campaign activities of human rights organizations from Nigeria to venues and fora outside Nigeria.

The mass media, through their structure and orientation, influence the political contests between actors. By providing access to different groups, the media contribute to domestic empowerment or disempowerment of organizations in democratization. Through issues raised and organizations used as sources of news materials, human rights also influenced the coverage of democratization in Nigeria as seen in the discourses on the Ogoni crisis. The June 12 elections provided a moment when the frames of the CLO resonated with the understanding of many Nigerians, especially the Yoruba, who felt cheated by the annulment of the June 12 elections. However, while the "hidden agenda" frame of CLO provided the impetus for the demonstrations against the June 12 annulment, the resurgence of ethnic and religious factors in Nigerian politics meant that the influence of human rights frames was clouded by the impact of ethnic and religious discourse that also had a bearing on the coverage of the June 12 elections.

In the case of the Ogoni crisis, it is possible to talk of the triumph of human rights frames and campaigns as most of the discourse was dominated by activities happening outside Nigeria, where human rights organizations had become active due to repression at home. The use of human rights makes it possible to theorize politics as a communication process. Human rights values (message), human rights activists (source), human rights networks (media), governments, and the international community (receivers of the message). It also enables a social construction of politics and communication from the activities of human rights organizations. The examples highlighted above are instances where the power of the media were deployed for consequential effect in the society. Another example is the role of journalists and columnists as custodian of public conscience.

3.2.4 The Intellectuals as Custodian of Public Conscience (Ibraheem and Oso, 2014)
Using the writings of the celebrated Nigerian columnist, Olatunji Dare, as a navigational mark, we examined the role of intellectuals as custodians of public conscience. In doing this, we looked at power from the perspective of information power, which Castells (2009) approaches as being primarily exercised by the construction of meaning in the human mind through processes of communication enacted in global/local multimedia networks of mass communication, including mass self-communication.

Therefore, we considered intellectuals as people who act as the conscience of society, working against structural, procedural, and sometimes existential barriers imposed by society. Olatunji Dare’s writings, while neither of the Right nor Left, sit comfortably in the tradition of George Orwell’s railing against the mass media's reduction of language to a succession of clichés, and what can be described as ready-made phrases that anaesthetize the brains of their consumers and repeaters. Dare’s writings speak truth to power, while his criticisms are immersed in the day-to-day struggles of the Nigerian people. Dare’s writings take on the excesses of power to counter the intellectual misery of fear, which is the logical outcome of the mind-set conquered by repression, virulent poverty of thought, and undiluted fear of the consequence of open criticism of wielders of raw, near-absolutist power in Nigerian society. He elevated writing from the status of intellectual anomie epitomized by the binary division into government apologists and unrepentant critics in Nigerian media discourse.

The media sometimes are sites for reinforcing negative power or realities in the media some of the contests over reality in the society are either legitimised or delegitimised through the ways issues are represented in the media.

3.2.5 Media of Representation: Obia, Ibraheem, and Onwunali (2020)
To speak on my contribution to media of representation, I draw from an article that I wrote with Obia and Onwunali in the Journal of African Media Studies titled, “Borrowing Lenses from the West: Analyzing an African Media Representation of Western Nations.” The study notes that over the years, Western media representation of countries across Africa and Asia has been largely negative. These studies have established the notion that Western media portrayal of the developing world is filled with frames of poverty, war, hunger, disease, and backwardness. While this pattern of representation of less-developed countries and their peoples in Western media is well documented in the literature, far less is known about how the media in developing countries represent Western nations.

Hence, our research was a response to the studies that have been done on the representation of Africa in the West. We aimed to provide an understanding of how Western nations are represented in Africa by focusing on the reports of selected Nigerian newspapers. For the study, we selected copies of The Guardian and Vanguard for analysis. The analysis covered six months from January 2017 to June 2017; all the reports that we found to be specifically focused on Western nations during the six-month period were analyzed. We interpreted Western nations to mean the United States, Canada, Western Europe (particularly the United Kingdom

3.2.6 Media and the Other Ibraheem and Ogwezzy-Ndisika (2014)
In the article titled "Gendered Media and Power Asymmetries," we explore how media can perpetuate gender inequalities and how these inequalities are ingrained in Nigerian political and social structures. We argue that the underrepresentation of women in national politics globally can be attributed to a range of factors, including biological, cultural, and religious influences, which are often reinforced by media representations. These representations contribute to stereotypes that limit women's roles and normalize gender-based violence, thereby perpetuating power asymmetries in the political sphere.

Wood (1994) suggests that media perpetuate unrealistic portrayals of both men and women, often sustaining traditional gender roles. These portrayals, often narrow and limiting, do not reflect the full spectrum of women's roles in society, particularly the shift away from traditional housewife roles as women increasingly participate in the workforce (Minic, 2008). Feminist theorists argue that the media's failure to reflect these social changes distorts the reality for young girls, limiting their access to diverse role models and reinforcing the very power imbalances that constrain women’s progress.

Nigeria's highly patriarchal society further exacerbates these gendered portrayals. A critical examination of gender inequalities across various sectors shows clear disparities between men and women, contributing to uneven development and reinforcing the feminization of poverty (Opalaobi, 2011). In the media industry, men dominate both ownership and decision-making positions, influencing the narratives and reinforcing gender biases. The lack of gender balance in media ownership means that the dominant male perspective shapes media coverage and public opinion, further marginalizing women's voices.

This gendered structure in Nigerian media ownership means that men, who control the majority of media outlets, use this power to serve their interests, which results in a distorted representation of gender roles in society. The implications are far-reaching: media not only reflect societal power structures but actively participate in perpetuating them. By reinforcing gender inequalities, media contribute to a broader political and social environment where women's participation and influence are consistently undermined.

3.2.7 Memory and the Construction of the Present Akanni and Ibraheem (2016)
In our study, we used a descriptive research design to explore how the media framed the renewed agitation for Biafra, led by the Nnamdi Kanu-led Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), from March to June 2016. The analysis focused on the framing of messages in three prominent Nigerian newspapers: Daily Trust (representing the Northern region), The Punch (from the Western region), and The Sun (from the Eastern region). We adopted a qualitative approach to examine how the press shaped public understanding of the Biafran agitation, particularly through editorial items, opinion articles, and news reports.

The study applied content analysis to examine how various media outlets covered the IPOB agitation. We found that media coverage varied significantly, reflecting the ethnic and political biases inherent in each outlet. Daily Trust, owned largely by Hausa-Fulani investors, provided news stories that were generally aligned with the federal government's stance against the Biafran agitation. In contrast, The Punch, with ownership linked to the Yoruba ethnic group, also showed reluctance to support the Biafran cause, although it did present some critical viewpoints. Meanwhile, The Sun consistently provided coverage sympathetic to the Biafran cause, often using strong visual imagery and framing its stories in favor of IPOB and other pro-Biafra groups.

The disparities in coverage among the three newspapers highlight how media outlets align with ethnic and political interests, often reinforcing existing regional divides. This trend supports the claims made by Adebanwi (2009), Wakili (2009), and Abdu and Alabi (2009), who argue that the Nigerian press is heavily influenced by ethnic and regional loyalties, which often shape the way conflicts and power struggles are reported. Media outlets, instead of acting as neutral observers, tend to amplify tensions by reinforcing one-sided narratives, which can exacerbate conflicts and polarize public opinion.

The study also pointed out the gaps in Nigerian journalism, particularly the lack of investigative reporting and in-depth analysis of critical issues like the Biafran agitation. Most of the stories analyzed relied heavily on official statements or press releases, rather than engaging in thorough, independent reporting. This reliance on armchair journalism limits the media's ability to provide comprehensive and objective coverage, which is essential for fostering informed debate and facilitating conflict resolution.

Furthermore, the study highlighted the failure of Nigerian newspapers to adhere to the principles of conflict-sensitive reporting. By focusing on adversarial positions and failing to provide balanced perspectives or solutions, the media exacerbate tensions rather than contribute to constructive dialogue. This is a critical concern, as the role of the media in conflict situations is not just to inform but to promote peace and reconciliation through responsible and ethical journalism.

In conclusion, both studies (gendered media and power assymeries and memory and the construction of the present) demonstrate how media representations—whether through gendered portrayals or biased coverage of political conflicts—can shape public perceptions and reinforce power imbalances. These findings emphasize the importance of critically examining media practices and their role in either perpetuating or challenging societal inequalities.

4.0 Casino Journalism and the End of History Madam Vice Chancellor,
The media is an arena constantly under the influence of powerful forces, especially when the stakes are high, as narratives have the potential to impact vast interests. In a context where much of Nigerian media is under-resourced, the success of these forces remains uncertain. What often happens is that media outlets become battlegrounds for competing political and corporate interests, with independent voices sometimes crushed under the weight of powerful adversaries. One example is the Nigerian broadsheet NEXT, which was hailed for its vibrant design and incisive investigative journalism, particularly its exposés of corruption. Despite its promise, NEXT met an untimely demise, its potential stifled by the contradictions of the media environment.

Currently, a significant media battle is unfolding in Nigeria’s oil sector, though what is striking is that much of the coverage is obscuring rather than illuminating the truth. This is a classic case of casino journalism, where media entities—driven by personal and financial interests—play with their credibility to reap private benefits. Other examples are clickbaits, commercialisation of news, hostage journalism, blackmail journalism, commecialisation of prime time slots, deliberate adversarial journalism to induce negotiation, serial non-payment of salaries, overbearing influence of proprietors etc. This process distorts reality, often leaving the public more confused than informed. What follows is my pick of examples of good and bad journalism.

4.1: Good journalism
In good journalism, I find stories that expose corporate malpractice and hold powerful institutions accountable. A notable example is the investigative reporting surrounding Pfizer's controversial Trovan drug trial in Nigeria. In 1996, during a cholera epidemic, Pfizer tested its experimental antibiotic, Trovan, on Nigerian children without proper consent or ethical oversight. The consequences were dire: 11 children died, and many others suffered life-altering injuries. The subsequent investigation by Nigerian authorities condemned Pfizer for gross ethical violations.

This story eventually led to a high-profile lawsuit, with Pfizer agreeing to a $75 million settlement. Yet the company’s actions raised questions about the ethical standards multinational corporations adhere to in developing countries. While Pfizer’s resolution of the matter was seen as an attempt to quell further legal and reputational damage, the case remains emblematic of the moral risks posed by the pursuit of profit in vulnerable regions.

Another good example is the HardTalk interview with former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, where BBC’s Stephen Sackur persistently pressed Obasanjo on uncomfortable truths about his time in office. The episode stands as a model of journalistic inquiry, with Obasanjo responding robustly to the questions posed. The episode’s impact was such that it drew significant viewership to the BBC online platform, exemplifying the power of fearless investigative journalism.

Salisu Buhari Story, Otedola’s Bribery Scandal, and the House of Representatives: A Tale of Consequence and Inaction UK Post Office Scandal

4.2 The End of History: A Road to Nowhere
The following examples—from bribery scandals to police corruption, political manipulation, and the spread of fake news—highlight the pervasive culture of impunity in Nigeria. Despite the occasional expose, the lack of follow-through and accountability ensures that many of these issues persist, unaddressed and unchecked. The road to genuine reform appears elusive, as political maneuvering and misinformation continue to shape the public's understanding of truth. The end of history, I argue, is a perpetual cycle of unpunished corruption and unchallenged falsehoods—an ominous sign for the future of governance and accountability in Nigeria. Some examples are:

The Pandora Papers: Unveiling Hidden Wealth Amidst Silence
The Pandora Papers further exposed the extent of hidden wealth among Nigeria's elite, including a sitting governor accused of being a key player in the late Sani Abacha's plunder. Rather than facing investigation and trial, this individual was appointed to a key ministerial role in charge of the nation's budget and planning, a stark reminder of the lack of consequence for those in power.

The Heist at the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs
In another troubling instance, the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Beta Edu, was suspended following allegations of diverting public funds into personal accounts. The EFCC was instructed to investigate the matter, and while they recovered over $24 million, the final report of the investigation has remained elusive, leaving the public questioning the integrity of the process.

Corruption in the Nigerian Customs Service: A Persistent Issue
Corruption within the Nigerian Customs Service has also been a matter of great concern. Over 40 top officials were implicated in corruption scandals worth billions of naira. Despite public knowledge of the offenses, these officers have yet to face prosecution, even after a significant sum was recovered from them.

Corruption in the Nigerian Customs Service: A Persistent Issue
In a tragic case, a faulty elevator in a Lagos hospital led to the death of a young medical doctor. Over a year later, despite the governor setting up a panel to investigate the incident and the alleged shady contracts tied to the elevator’s supply, no one has been prosecuted. The report remains absent, and the issue has faded into the background of Nigerian public discourse.

Undercover Investigation: Corruption in the Nigerian Police Force
In 2019, investigative journalist Fisayo Soyombo uncovered the rampant corruption at a police station and custodial center in Lagos. His three-part series exposed the systemic issues, but since the publication, little has been done to address the findings. Most recently, reports surfaced about a Nigerian crossdresser, sentenced and remanded in prison, who was illegally housed outside the prison for a fee—an example of how deep the corruption runs within Nigeria’s law enforcement institutions.

4.3 Examples of Casino Journalism NNPC Vs Dangote Refineries
Misinformation and Fake News in Nigerian Politics Ibraheem and Garba (2019)
The issue of fake news has become increasingly prevalent in Nigerian political discourse. Research shows that false information spreads faster and more widely than the truth, particularly on social media platforms like Twitter. False narratives, such as the smear campaign against President Joko Widodo in Indonesia or the fake reports of salt shortages in India, have shown how fake news can have real-world consequences, from panic to violence.

In Nigeria, misinformation has similarly distorted political dialogue. For example, false claims about President Buhari's health in 2017, including rumors of his death and subsequent claims of a "body double," fueled political instability. These stories were deliberately spread to destabilize the government and manipulate public perception, illustrating how fake news is weaponized to achieve political ends.

One notable case involves a fabricated quote attributed to Minister Lai Mohammed, where he was reported as saying President Buhari would work from home permanently—an example of disinformation that led to widespread confusion. Another instance occurred when a fabricated interview, claiming that Buhari was using Made-in-Nigeria drugs while in London, circulated on social media. Despite a formal rebuttal from Channels Television, the damage had already been done.

These instances demonstrate how fake news, fueled by political motives, can have far-reaching consequences, distorting public discourse and even influencing electoral outcomes. As political figures and parties increasingly rely on disinformation to manipulate the public, the integrity of Nigerian democracy remains under threat.

$30bn Loot Story: First News Management Apologizes to Gbajabiamila (May 8, 2024)
The management of First News, an online newspaper, has formally apologized to Rt Hon Femi Gbajabiamila, Chief of Staff to the President, for a misleading story published on January 29, 2024. The article, authored by Editor Mr. Segun Olatunji, was titled, "How Gbajabiamila Attempted to Corner $30bn, 66 Houses Traced to Sabiu."

In a statement issued on Wednesday, First News acknowledged the inaccuracies in the article, stating that the report contained "falsehoods and fabricated stories" provided by a highly unreliable source. The management admitted to its negligence in publishing such misleading information and extended an "unreserved apology" to Gbajabiamila. The statement further emphasized that as a responsible media outlet, First News harbors no ill intent toward the Chief of Staff or his office, underscoring the decision to issue a full retraction and apology as a reflection of its commitment to ethical journalism.

BBC 'Sex for Grades' Documentary: Reputational Risk and Global Media Ethics
Another example is the BBC's Sex-for-Grade Scandal documentary, which involved undercover journalists posing as students at the University of Lagos and the University of Ghana to expose incidents of sexual harassment within academia.
A study, which included interviews with 20 students, lecturers, and public relations experts, revealed that while 57% of respondents viewed the documentary as a necessary exposé of misconduct by certain teaching staff, 43% believed the report to be an attack on institutions like the University of Lagos, suggesting that the BBC had an ulterior motive for producing an unbalanced and biased narrative. Despite the documentary's intent to promote accountability, critics argue that the BBC's approach to investigation and reporting lacked professionalism, and the conclusions drawn from months of undercover work were grossly misrepresented.

SAMOA Treaty: Daily Trust Apologizes for False Reporting
In another recent instance of journalistic failure, Daily Trust issued a public apology over a misleading story published on July 4, 2024. The article, "LGBT: Nigeria Signs $150 Billion Samoa Deal," generated considerable controversy and prompted a formal complaint from the Federal Government to the National Media Complaints Commission (NMCC).

The NMCC determined that key elements of the report were inaccurate and did not meet the journalistic standards expected of reputable media organizations. In a statement published on September 24, 2024, Daily Trust accepted the NMCC's ruling and issued a full apology to both the Federal Government and its readers for the inaccuracies contained in the story.

Nick Imudia: Mystery Surrounds the Death of Former Konga CEO
The death of Nick Imudia, former CEO of Konga, has been shrouded in mystery. Conflicting reports have emerged, with some alleging that Imudia took his own life by jumping from a multi-story building, while others claim he was pushed to his death. This tragedy highlights the potential for sensationalist reporting and the difficulty in distinguishing fact from speculation in such high-profile cases.

Madam Vice Chancellor, journalism faces a crisis of credibility, with news platforms enabling misinformation and “casino-like” practices instead of fostering informed discourse. This degradation threatens the media's role as a promoter of public consciousness and rational debate. Yet, Journalism is a cornerstone of modern society, holding immense power to shape public perception and government accountability. The role of journalists is enshrined in both international and national legal frameworks, and the media is tasked with ensuring transparency in government operations and protecting the rights of the people. Ethical values such as fairness, objectivity, and balance form the foundation of responsible journalism.

In Nigeria, the media plays a crucial role in national development, as outlined in the 1999 Constitution, which identifies the media as a partner in combating issues like corruption, ignorance, and poverty. Section 22 of the Constitution specifically grants the media the responsibility of holding the government accountable to the people.

Unfortunately, the practice of casino journalism undermines the high expectations envisaged by the framers of the relevant sections in the Nigerian constitution and other international instruments that guarantee press freedom and freedom of expression. This is partly due to a lack of clarity about the role of journalism in society, as well as the increasing influence of partisan and ideological forces that distort the news. Despite this, the media's role as a check on power remains vital to the functioning of a democratic society.

5.0 A Strong Media System: The Foundation of Resilient Democratic Governance
Madam Vice Chancellor, the roots of a resilient democratic government are deeply nourished by a robust, credible, and impartial media system. While the efficacy of this assertion has recently been questioned—particularly in light of the growing influence of combative, self-serving social media platforms like X and Trump’s Truth Media during the US elections—there remains a wealth of evidence suggesting a symbiotic relationship between a strong media system and the resilience of democratic governance. Democratic integrity is compromised when the media is held captive by powerful interests, serving only to advance the agendas of specific individuals or groups rather than the public good. The critical question, then, is: how can the media effectively serve the public interest?

The Nigerian constitution acknowledges the media’s pivotal role in a democratic society, and its right to practice is enshrined within the nation’s legal framework. It is the only profession explicitly recognized in this manner.

At the heart of a debate that dates back to the early 20th century lies the contention over where to place the locus of power in democratic societies—between the elites and the public. Mid-20th-century democracy theories tended to favor elite discourses over populist participatory ones. The elitist theory of democracy, championed by Joseph Schumpeter and his followers, was grounded in the empirical findings of political sociology, suggesting that citizens in modern democracies were politically uninformed, apathetic, and easily manipulated (Bohman & Rehg, 1997). The rise of national socialism and fascist regimes in Europe during the early 20th century served as foundational pillars for this perspective. According to the elitist view, governance was best entrusted to leadership elites, and democracy was reduced to a mechanism for removing leaders through periodic elections (Bohman & Rehg, 1997).

While elitist theories continue to manifest in many democracies, especially through the practice of holding regular elections and the roles played by the judiciary and media as the Fourth Estate, populist and participatory theories have also found expression. These theories advocate for deliberation as an alternative means through which citizens can hold their government accountable, not merely during election periods but through ongoing, healthy discourse on media platforms.

The term "deliberative democracy" was first coined by Joseph Bessette, who rejected elitist (or aristocratic) interpretations of the Constitution in favor of a more participatory view of politics. Bessette’s arguments added to the chorus of voices advocating for political engagement beyond just voting, with citizens expressing their views through deliberative processes such as town-hall meetings, small organizations, workplace democracy, and mediated public discussions. In such forums, diverse moral doctrines can be debated, and public reason is formed (Bohman & Rehg, 1997).

A further iteration of deliberative democracy is Habermas’s (1962, 1989) concept of political legitimacy via the "public sphere." Habermas envisioned the public sphere as a domain where information exchange and debate on issues of common concern can occur, shaping public opinion. Given the scale of modern society, in which face-to-face engagement is limited, the mass media have become the principal institution facilitating this public sphere (Dahlgren, 1995). Habermas emphasized that the press plays a crucial role in creating space for public reason, thereby acting as an intermediary between the state and civil society, ensuring a balance of power.

As McQuail (2013) further explains, the original public sphere described by Habermas referred to physical spaces where bourgeois intellectuals met in the 18th century, like coffee houses and newspapers, to discuss political reform. These spaces, much like the modern press, were marked by freedom of speech and open access. The metaphorical space between the state and personal life is vital to understanding the role of the press in facilitating democracy. Societies must guarantee equal access to these platforms, so as not to favor the privileged, the better educated, or the wealthier members of society. Equality of opportunity to participate in political decision-making is a cornerstone of democratic legitimacy (Bohman & Rehg, 1997).

Engagement in political discourse through public deliberation fosters openness to considering the public interest. Media, therefore, serve as platforms of reason and justification, playing an important role in shaping how citizens view and engage with issues of governance. The media's responsibility in navigating this role, amidst the contested nature of information on public platforms, is central to this discussion.

A critical framework for understanding the intersection of media and democratic governance is the tradition of normative theories of the press, pioneered by Fred Siebert, Theodore Peterson, and Wilbur Schramm in their 1956 work, Four Theories of the Press. Siebert et al. (1956) proposed four primary models: authoritarian, libertarian, social responsibility, and soviet-communist, each reflecting different degrees of media control, ranging from highly regulated (authoritarian and soviet-communist) to minimal regulation (libertarian and social responsibility). While their framework had significant impact on media systems research, it has also faced criticism for being overly simplistic and reflective of Cold War ideologies (Nerone, 2018; Christians et al., 2009; Rantanen, 2017).

Subsequent developments in the field have nuanced these models, incorporating new categories such as social-centralist and developmental media systems, which reflect the unique needs of post-colonial societies. The work of Hallin and Mancini (2004), for example, examines the relationship between the media and political systems in North America and Western Europe, identifying key factors such as media market development, political parallelism, journalistic professionalism, and state intervention.

Despite the significant advances in media systems theory, research into media systems in the Global South, especially Africa, remains underdeveloped (Christians et al., 2009). In Africa, media systems have been shaped by colonial and post-colonial histories, ethnic divisions, and a complicated relationship with state power (Ibraheem, 2003; Yusha’u, 2018).

6.0 Political Praxis and the Social Construction of Reality
Madam Vice Chancellor, it is imperative for address to the scourge of casino-like journalism because of the very long debate among scholars about the dual nature of reality. This debate often underpins the concept of the social construction of reality. From a sociological perspective, the theory of social construction suggests that human understanding of the world is shaped through interactions with others and mediated by various social processes (Adoni, 1984).

In the context of media, Wohn and Bowe (2014) argue that the social construction of reality underscores the pivotal role media plays in crafting and influencing public perceptions of reality. According to the social construction theory of media, media outlets do more than simply distribute information—they actively shape how audiences perceive and understand the world around them (Goffman, 1974). Luhmann (2005) further emphasizes that media organizations play a crucial role in shaping attitudes, perceptions, and behaviors by framing the information they present. In essence, the media doesn't just report the news; it decides what is newsworthy, and this decision directly affects the public discourse and collective consciousness (Chistyakova, 2016).

At the heart of this theory are two key functions: framing and agenda-setting. Both frame the media as intentional constructors of reality. Framing, as described by Couldry (2021), refers to the way the media constructs and presents information through specific frames—essentially, the lenses through which the media shapes the audience's perception of reality. These frames serve the purpose of guiding public interpretation, coloring thoughts, behaviors, and perceptions to fit a narrative deemed most appropriate by the media. Thus, the media’s framing of information has a ripple effect, influencing how the audience perceives what is important, relevant, or true.

The second concept, agenda-setting, as proposed by McCombs and Shaw, asserts that while the media may not explicitly tell audiences what to think, it certainly tells them what to think about (Hesmondhalgh and Power, 2020). The media, in this view, sets the agenda for public discourse, influencing what issues dominate the public's attention. Through its selective presentation of topics, the media determines which issues are prioritized, thus shaping the collective understanding of what constitutes reality.

A crucial point in the social construction of reality through media is the acknowledgment that the media is not neutral. Media outlets strategically curate narratives, consciously or unconsciously reinforcing or challenging societal norms through their representation of various groups and issues (Couldry, 2021). This often manifests in the intentional portrayal of stereotypes or counter-narratives that shape public perceptions of different groups, thereby influencing societal views on race, gender, politics, and more (Entman, 1993). As Gamson and Modigliani (1989) highlight, this battle for control over the media narrative is often framed through the lens of cultural hegemony, where dominant groups strive to have their constructed reality reflected in media, sidelining alternative or subordinate viewpoints.

The rise of social media has introduced a new dimension to the social construction of reality. According to Rodriguez (2020), the traditional model of media as a centralized institution has shifted, with social media platforms decentralizing the process of reality construction. Today, multiple voices from various backgrounds seek to shape and influence public understanding of reality, providing a more fragmented, yet diverse, media landscape.

In Nigeria, news occupies a privileged and contested position. Oso (2012) notes the central role of news in media production, asserting that news is not merely a reflection of reality but a space where power dynamics—political and corporate—are at play. Media organizations, through their control over news content, are able to influence the public’s understanding of political and social realities. The competition for control over news outlets underscores the ideological nature of news itself: no news is neutral. Those with the resources to shape media narratives seek to use this power to promote their own interests, often aligning with corporate or political goals.

As a social construct, news is shaped by social forces and decisions made within media organizations. Berkowitz (1997) highlights that news is not a passive reflection of events, but the product of bureaucratic processes, influenced by factors such as organizational structure, professional practices, and cultural contexts. By examining news through a sociological lens, Berkowitz emphasizes the importance of understanding how journalistic routines and social forces impact the way news is constructed, what is prioritized, and how audiences come to interpret news.

The theoretical foundation for understanding news construction is found in Schudson's (1997) seminal work on the sociology of news production. Schudson identifies three key research traditions: the political economy of media, which looks at the influence of media ownership and funding on news production; the sociological approach, which examines how journalists' work practices and professional beliefs shape news content; and the culturological approach, which considers how cultural symbols and values influence the framing of news stories.

However, the social construction theory has faced critiques, particularly regarding its neglect of economic factors. Critics, including Herman and Chomsky (1988), argue that the theory's focus on social and cultural contexts overlooks the economic realities that shape media production. The economic interests and power structures behind media ownership, advertising, and funding play a critical role in shaping the narratives that the media present to the public (Tomlinson, 1999). This critique suggests that media narratives are often molded to serve the interests of the elites who control media organizations.
As I reflect on my own academic journey, I embrace these two foundational ideas: first, the social construction of reality, which posits that media strategically frames narratives to shape public perception; and second, the political economy of communication, which emphasizes the role of economic and political forces in media production. This dual lens enables me to critically examine how media narratives are constructed and to explore the implications of media ownership and power structures in shaping public consciousness. As such, media is not merely a passive conveyor of reality; it is an active participant in constructing the very reality it presents.

6.1 Narratives of Reality
Madam Vice Chancellor, some of my research speak to the relevance of this assumption that media are not just a passive reflector of power; they are active battleground where different groups vie for control over reality.

6.1.1 News Construction of the June 12 Presidential Election Ibraheem (1997)
This study examines the news coverage on the front pages of The Guardian and National Concord from April 1 to August 26, 1993, during the tense period leading up to Nigeria’s June 12 Presidential election. At the time, two competing versions of reality dominated the political discourse: one promoted by the military government under General Ibrahim Babangida, and another advanced by civil society groups. This contest for control over political narratives was most pronounced during the election period, which saw intense media coverage and public mobilization against military rule. The study explores whether the media, as a powerful force in public discourse, could curtail the dominance of authoritarian power. It seeks to answer whether media coverage can influence political outcomes, especially in contexts where access to mass media is limited by economic or political constraints. By analyzing media coverage during this pivotal time, this research seeks to better understand the role of media in the political process, and whether the media can indeed shape, challenge, or reinforce political realities.

The study analyzes the prioritization of political news, the subject matter covered, and the extent to which political issues were featured on the front pages. It also investigates the primary definers—the key individuals and institutions that shaped the public discourse—and the platforms they used to express their views. Through this investigation, the study seeks to shed light on the media's role in political change and its potential to serve as a counterforce to political power.

There was a marked increase in the coverage of political news from April to August. In April, political coverage was minimal, with The Guardian dedicating just over 30% of its front page to political stories, while National Concord allocated only 16.7%. However, as the months progressed, both newspapers significantly increased their political coverage, eventually devoting more than half of their front-page space to political news. By June, the shift was more pronounced, with National Concord dedicating over two-thirds of its front page to political content. In July, this trend reached its peak, as National Concord exclusively featured political news on its front page. In August, following the proscription of National Concord, The Guardian continued this trajectory, allocating more than two-thirds of its front page to political issues.
Using the categorization of news items on the front pages as an index, political news consistently ranked high in priority for both newspapers. A significant portion of political stories were prominently featured as either the lead story or in secondary positions (second or third). Further analysis of the categorization of story types across each month reveals a compelling trend, particularly in June and July, where National Concord consistently prioritized political coverage, with political stories occupying the lead, second, third, fourth, fifth, and even sixth positions on the front page.

This development not only underscores the centrality of political news in the editorial agendas of both newspapers but also raises a crucial question about the role of the media in setting the agenda for political discourse. Specifically, it prompts an inquiry into whether the newspapers are shaping the political agenda or merely reflecting the most pressing societal issues at the time. As McCombs et al. (1991) argued, the media, through their selection and presentation of news, play a pivotal role in shaping political reality. To explore this question further, it is essential to examine the recurring themes that dominate media discourse. This will be the focus of the next analysis.

An analysis of the subject matter and focus of political news coverage on the front pages of the two newspapers during the period of study reveals some notable differences in editorial priorities. While The Guardian devoted more than 50% of its front-page coverage to stories related to the transition program, National Concord allocated only 17.8% of its coverage to this topic. Similarly, the two newspapers exhibited contrasting approaches to the coverage of the Presidential election. National Concord, for example, dedicated 44.4% of its front-page content to the election, whereas The Guardian focused more heavily on the transition program.

A clear reflection of these differing editorial priorities can be seen in the contrasting ways both newspapers reported the court's decision to suspend the Presidential election scheduled for June 12, 1993, just two days before the event. The June 11, 1993 edition of The Guardian placed the court decision as its lead story, providing a detailed report on the judgement. The subsequent stories, covering the preparations for the election, the Electoral Commission’s decision to ignore the ruling, and the Police’s security measures, were presented in the second, third, and fourth positions, respectively.

In stark contrast, National Concord made the election itself the lead story in its June 11 edition, emphasizing that June 12 was the election day. This was followed by a feature on an independent opinion poll predicting the likely winner of the election. The second news item highlighted the preparations made by both the Electoral Commission and the Police for a smooth election, while the court’s decision to suspend the election was relegated to the third position, with a rider noting that the Electoral Commission had decided to proceed with the election despite the ruling.

These differences in editorial approach demonstrate how the coverage of the election and transition programme dominated the news discourse in both newspapers, yet they diverged in terms of the quantity of coverage and the quality of their reporting. Economic issues occupied only a marginal space in the coverage of both newspapers. The next section will focus on the primary definers of news during this period. It will examine the institutions or fora through which the issues reported in the news were articulated, as well as the sources quoted in the stories. This analysis will provide insights into the key players who dominated the political discourse at the time.

The news scene categorization in the analysis is divided into thirteen key institutions and fora, which served as the primary sources of the news items reported on the front pages of the two newspapers. The first category, events, includes meetings, press conferences, protests, demonstrations, and other significant occurrences that became newsworthy through physical expressions, such as actual voting during elections. A total of 27 items (11%) were reported under this category, ranking third both collectively and individually in terms of the coverage across the two newspapers.

The second category, government/government agencies and parliament, encompasses all three levels of the Nigerian government—Central, State, and Local—as well as agencies established by the government to oversee the implementation of the transition program. Given Nigeria's unique diarchic system of military-civilian governance at the time, this category also includes members of parliament. This category accounted for 48 items (21.1%) of the total coverage. In National Concord, 16.7% of the news items were sourced from government bodies, making it the second most significant institutional source. In The Guardian, government-related coverage made up 23.5%, making it one of the most crucial institutional sources, equal to the coverage of political parties.

The third institutional source, the judiciary, refers to the courts and legal proceedings that became news. A total of 12 items (5.3%) were sourced from this category, ranking seventh among the institutional sources covered by the newspapers. In National Concord, the judiciary ranked fifth, contributing 7.7% of the total coverage, while in The Guardian, it ranked sixth with 4%.

Next, public corporations—government-owned entities whose activities could influence the success or failure of the presidential election—were represented by just one news item, which appeared in The Guardian. An example of such a corporation is the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), which is responsible for fuel distribution nationwide.

Religious authorities, representing the two officially recognized religions in Nigeria—Islam and Christianity—were another source of news. A total of seven items (3.1%) were sourced from religious institutions. National Concord reported one item from this category, while The Guardian accounted for six.

Trade unions, organizations, and associations—non-governmental entities whose activities were not overtly political—comprised 25 items (11%) of the total news reports. National Concord carried six of these stories, while The Guardian carried 19. Foreign governments and international organizations were featured four times, and all these stories appeared in The Guardian. Similarly, coverage of documents/official publications and private business associations was minimal, with only two items reported under each of these categories, shared equally between the two newspapers.

The remaining categories—political parties, human rights/democracy organizations, other news organizations, and individuals—received varying degrees of coverage. Political parties had the highest coverage, with 59 items (26% of the total), making it the dominant source of news. In National Concord, political parties accounted for 30.8% of the coverage, while in The Guardian, they made up 23.5%. Human rights/democracy organizations were featured in 21 items (9.3%) of the total coverage. In both newspapers, this category ranked fourth in terms of the number of items reported. Individuals contributed 14 items (6.2%) to the overall coverage, while other news organizations accounted for just five items (2.2%).

A comparison of these institutional sources with the primary definers of news reveals the actors who shaped the political discourse. According to the data, politicians, political party officials, and presidential candidates dominated the news scene, accounting for 65 items (33.1% of the total). National Concord featured 36.1% of its news from this group, while The Guardian had 32%. Following closely were government officials, government agency officials, and members of parliament, who made up 21.4% of the total coverage. These sources ranked second in both newspapers, with National Concord reporting 18% and The Guardian reporting 23%.

Trade unions, associations, and organizational officials followed at 10.2% of the total news. In The Guardian, these actors ranked third with 11.1%, while in National Concord, they ranked fifth at 8.2%. The fourth most prominent group were human rights and pro-democracy organizations, contributing 9.7% of the coverage. In The Guardian, this category accounted for 8.1%, while in National Concord, it represented 13.1% of the news.

Other notable figures included judges, lawyers, and legal experts (6.6%), prominent Nigerians and religious leaders (4.1% each), individuals and foreign sources (2.6% each), police and military spokesmen (2%), women activists and community leaders (1% each), and opinion poll organizations, families, and business leaders (0.5% each).

The media coverage of political issues, especially in the critical month before the presidential election and following its annulment, underscores the prominence of the election within Nigeria's political discourse. This heightened focus was mirrored by the media’s selection of materials, confirming that the media play a significant role in shaping political reality. By choosing the stories they report, the media actively influence the public’s understanding and engagement with political events.

The access granted to politicians, mainstream opposition groups such as trade unions, and human rights organizations illustrates the dynamic role these groups play in the country’s political dialogue. These groups are not only active participants in political discourse but are recognized as legitimate contributors to the nation’s political process.
The issue of media ownership emerges as a pivotal factor influencing the extent to which the media can challenge absolutist rule. In cases where the media are under government control, they are often utilized to legitimize and reinforce authoritarian regimes. The study found that independent media outlets were more likely to align with forces opposing military dictatorship, while government-controlled media were used for propagandistic purposes, undermining efforts to establish a democratic government.

6.1.2 Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Trust in the Niger Delta Ibraheem and Ogwezzy-Ndisika (2014)
One of the key effects of globalization is the increasing ability of various actors—both governmental and corporate—to transcend national borders and challenge the traditional power structures between the state and big businesses. This shift has called for greater accountability from both corporations and nations, particularly regarding their human rights obligations. As a result, businesses are increasingly adopting CSR initiatives to present themselves as socially responsible entities, while nations aim to demonstrate their commitment to global human rights standards. However, these efforts can inadvertently open new liabilities for both corporations and governments when the rules of engagement are either unclear or contested.

This study focuses on how multinational corporations (MNCs) operating in Nigeria’s Niger Delta navigate the complexities of CSR in a constantly evolving environment. The context of the Niger Delta, shaped by the local communities' demands for self-determination—expressed in documents like the Ogoni Bill of Rights and the Kaiama Declaration—has created new challenges for CSR, especially in relation to the quest for environmental sustainability and social justice.

The Ogoni Bill of Rights and the Kaiama Declaration
In 1990, the Ogoni people—one of the over 250 ethnic groups in Nigeria—presented the Ogoni Bill of Rights, calling for self-determination, political control over their affairs, and control of their economic resources. They demanded that their land and environment be protected from further degradation by multinational oil companies and the Nigerian government. The Ogonis voiced their rejection of "indigenous colonialism" and sought a new political order in Nigeria, one in which each ethnic group would have full control over its own affairs, fostering fair competition and peaceful coexistence.

In 1998, the Ijaw people, another ethnic group in the Niger Delta, issued the Kaiama Declaration, echoing many of the Ogoni demands. The Ijaws asserted their right to exclusive ownership of their land and resources and rejected undemocratic decrees that deprived them of their rights. The Kaiama Declaration reinforced the Niger Delta communities' growing resistance to the exploitation of their land by multinational corporations and the Nigerian government.

Together, the Ogoni Bill of Rights and the Kaiama Declaration marked a significant shift in political struggles, challenging the economic exploitation and political disenfranchisement of Niger Delta communities. These movements reflect broader global trends, such as the rise of transnational human rights networks and the increasing power of non-state actors, which are reshaping the relationship between communities, governments, and multinational corporations.

Globalization and CSR: A New Paradigm
Globalization, defined as the process through which global forces shape local realities, has been instrumental in transforming the ways in which corporations and states operate. The rise of transnational networks, along with the intensification of global social relations, has prompted a reevaluation of the roles and responsibilities of businesses and governments in human rights protection. The United Nations Global Compact, for example, highlights the growing consensus on the need for businesses to respect human rights as part of their operations.

As businesses expand globally, the impact of their operations on human rights has become a key concern, with increasing attention from international organizations such as the UN. In 2011, the UN Human Rights Council approved guidelines for corporations on how to protect human rights in their business operations, further emphasizing the need for businesses to align with global human rights standards.

Communicating Trust in an Environment of Mistrust
The history of interactions between multinational corporations, the Nigerian government, and local communities in the Niger Delta reveals a deep-seated challenge in communicating trust. For over fifty years, multinational corporations have been seen by host communities as distant and exploitative, while the Nigerian government has been equally aloof, often dismissing the communities’ concerns about their rights, environmental degradation, and lack of development.

This history of neglect has fostered a profound mistrust, which has only been deepened by the heavy-handed responses to community protests in the 1990s and the continued failures of the government and corporations to address the communities’ grievances. In this context, the multinational corporations' recent emphasis on CSR initiatives—intended to demonstrate their commitment to sustainable development—has largely been ineffective, as it fails to overcome the deep mistrust that has accumulated over decades.
Similarly, the Nigerian government’s attempts to position itself as a trustworthy partner in the development of the Niger Delta have been met with skepticism. The failure of both the government and the corporations to establish genuine trust with the host communities has resulted in ongoing resistance, expressed through advocacy, litigation, and civil disobedience.

The Challenge of Bridging the Trust Gap
The central challenge in the Niger Delta is how to communicate trust in an environment that has long been characterized by mistrust. The current CSR practices of multinational corporations, despite their good intentions, are insufficient to bridge the social and political gaps between the corporations, the government, and the host communities. Instead of fostering trust, these efforts have contributed to a cycle of litigation, reputational damage, and continued dissatisfaction.
To break this cycle, CSR efforts must be redefined to emphasize the development of social capital and foster genuine dialogue and cooperation between all stakeholders. Building trust in the Niger Delta requires more than just top-down CSR initiatives—it requires an inclusive, rights-based approach that addresses the historical grievances of the communities, ensures meaningful participation, and fosters long-term relationships based on mutual respect and shared goals.

6.1.3 Moral Geographies and Political Empowerment Ibraheem (2022)
Moral geographies and tangential politics serve as critical frameworks for understanding the shifting power dynamics fostered by transnational networks of individuals and groups. These networks, united by common goals and values, challenge the disempowering hegemony of nation-states. Moral geographies describe how the messages and struggles of local disempowered groups, often rooted in human rights and environmental issues, resonate with a global audience, creating networks of support across vast geographical distances. Tangential politics, on the other hand, occurs when transnational advocacy networks, composed of various organizations and institutions, align their goals with the aspirations of local groups, forging political movements that transcend national borders.

This study delves into Nigeria's democratization struggle, particularly focusing on the significant role played by human rights networks in this process. It examines how the emergence of new social classes, represented by non-governmental human rights organizations (NGOs), new identities, and innovative spaces, presents a challenge to the traditional sovereignty of nation-states. These evolving dynamics redefine conventional notions of democratization, highlighting how local struggles can intersect with global advocacy to create profound political change.

The study also critically reviews the political factors that shaped Nigeria's democratization history and explores how moral geographies and platforms like the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) facilitated the mobilization of critical political resources. These resources were instrumental for local groups resisting one of the most extreme forms of military autocracy in Nigeria. By examining the role of transnational networks—comprising powerful states and institutions, as well as the convergence of local and international interests and values—the study highlights how these networks can strengthen the efforts of smaller NGOs challenging repressive regimes. The findings underscore the relevance of moral geographies and tangential politics in understanding contemporary political mobilization, demonstrating how the organizational and interpersonal dynamics of communication can influence political empowerment on a global scale.

The campaigns against Nigeria at the 1995
Commonwealth summit underscore the increasing power of international human rights norms, with documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) serving as potent campaign tools. These campaigns also exemplify the significance of venue shifting, the politics of shaming, and international forums in advancing domestic struggles for democratization. While human rights networks and the global structures supporting them are not always successful—evidenced by the failure to reverse the annulment of the June 12 elections and the Ogoni killings—their efforts remain crucial. As Evans (2000) notes, while these counter-hegemonic transnational networks are not an irresistible force, they represent vital opportunities for global action that can catalyze local struggles for political change. Building such networks enhances the prospects of success for local organizing, which remains an essential component of counter-hegemonic globalization. Thus, despite their limitations, these networks have played an instrumental role in breaking into the mainstream political discourse in countries like Nigeria, although they also raise important challenges regarding the sovereignty of states.

6.1.4 Relational Risk and Health Communication: The Crisis of the Campaign for Eradication of Polio in Nigeria Akinfeleye and Ibraheem (2012)
While cultural filters significantly influence people's perceptions of health risks, the role of cultural reflexivity in understanding relational risks remains underexplored. In this conceptual paper, we advocate for a context-based approach to health risk communication, using a model of proximate values to explore how global and social factors shape the way individuals perceive health risks and make decisions in health-related contexts. Ulrich Beck's concept of the "Risk Society" provides a foundation for understanding global risks as a new form of interdependence, which cannot be adequately addressed by national politics or traditional forms of international cooperation.

This study examines how these dynamics played out in northern Nigeria during the Global Polio Eradication Campaign (GPEC), where Muslim leaders ordered a boycott of the Oral Polio Vaccine (OPV) due to fears that the vaccine was contaminated with anti-fertility agents and the HIV virus—a claim that fueled conspiracy theories suggesting that Western governments were deliberately targeting Muslim populations.

The concept of relational risk helps to elucidate the complex nature of health risk communication in a world marked by increasing interdependence and reflexivity. The case of the polio vaccine boycott provides a clear example of how distrust—shaped by past experiences and cultural narratives—can influence public health campaigns. In 2003, the GPEI launched a major immunization campaign aimed at vaccinating over 15 million children across West and Central Africa, with a particular focus on Nigeria, which had become a major source of global polio cases. However, the boycott led by Muslim leaders in northern Nigeria, which lasted 16 months, delayed immunizations and spread new polio infections, jeopardizing the progress made in the global eradication effort.

Relational risks in this context were deeply tied to suspicions about the motives behind the polio vaccination program, which were influenced by broader geopolitical concerns, such as the U.S.-led war on terror and the controversial trial of Trovan, a drug tested on vulnerable Nigerian children by Pfizer in 1996. The failure to address these relational risks resulted in a breakdown of trust between health authorities, the Nigerian government, and the local communities. This situation highlights the crucial role of trust in risk perception and decision-making.

Trust and Relational Risk
Trust plays a pivotal role in how individuals and groups perceive and respond to risks (Covello et al., 2002; Bennett, 1999). In the case of the GPEI in northern Nigeria, the distrust generated by relational risks—such as the suspicion of foreign interference and past incidents like the Trovan trial—led to a breakdown in communication and cooperation between local communities and health authorities. The risk perception factors outlined by Covello and Bennett provide insights into how mistrust, when fueled by relational attribution, can exacerbate conflict and undermine public health initiatives.

When Reality is Not a Factor
Viewing risk through a relational lens allows for a more nuanced understanding of how people perceive and react to risks. Despite the efforts of organizations like WHO and UNICEF to communicate the benefits of the polio vaccine, their inability to engage with the relational risks and trust issues faced by the communities in northern Nigeria resulted in the failure of the campaign. While health officials were frustrated by the continued boycott, they failed to consider the role of cultural and relational factors in shaping the public’s response. This oversight demonstrates the importance of considering relational risks in health communication strategies, particularly in contexts where deep-seated distrust exists.

Proximate Communication
Proximate communication, based on Edward Hall's concept of proxemics, refers to bridging cultural gaps through meaningful interaction between culturally diverse groups. In the context of the GPEI, proximate communication suggests the need for trusted communication channels and sources to overcome the impasse caused by the vaccine boycott. By engaging with the communities in ways that resonate with their cultural values and addressing the relational risks at the heart of the controversy, health authorities could have fostered greater trust and collaboration, potentially averting the damaging consequences of the boycott.

Uses of Proximate Communication in the GPEI in Northern Nigeria
When traditional efforts to end the boycott failed, the World Health Organization (WHO) sought support from influential international bodies such as the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC), the African Union, and the Arab League. In November 2003, the OIC passed a resolution urging Islamic countries to increase their efforts in eradicating polio, emphasizing Nigeria’s crucial role as one of the 17 OIC member states in Africa.
In another notable move, WHO engaged the international Muslim community, particularly the International Fiqh Council, to address the issue of vaccine mistrust. The Fiqh Council, at its 2003 annual conference, strongly condemned the Supreme Council for Sharia in Nigeria’s (SCSN) position, citing the vaccine’s proven effectiveness in over 50 Muslim countries. The Council also criticized the SCSN for creating negative stereotypes of Islam, thus underscoring the critical role of proximate communication in bridging cultural and ideological divides.

As the standoff continued, and the SCSN remained firm in its opposition to the Polio Eradication Initiative (PEI), the Nigerian government proposed testing the vaccines to demonstrate their safety and effectiveness. Additionally, they suggested sourcing vaccines from reputable manufacturers in Muslim-majority countries. The Nigerian delegation eventually approved Biopharma, an Indonesian company, after verifying the quality of their vaccines, which led to a tentative resumption of the vaccination campaign. However, SCSN Secretary Nafiu Baba-Ahmed continued to allege that the Muslim states had been pressured to comply with the GPEI, maintaining their stance on the dangers of the oral polio vaccine (OPV).

The prolonged controversy reveals how relational risks, fueled by mistrust and compounded by socio-political factors, can delay public health interventions. The use of proximate communication, through respected Islamic leaders and institutions, was essential in ultimately breaking the deadlock and allowing for a resumption of vaccination efforts. This case highlights the importance of culturally-sensitive communication strategies and trusted channels in resolving complex health crises, especially in an increasingly interconnected and reflective world.

6.1.6 New Geography of Power: Internet and Politics (Ibraheem, 2015)
The influence of the Internet on political movements has been brought into sharp focus by events such as the Arab Spring, where social media played a pivotal role in mobilizing protests and challenging entrenched political systems. The rapid spread of information and the ability to bypass traditional state-controlled media have significantly altered the political landscape, particularly in countries with restrictive regimes. As Kofman and Youngs (2003) argue, technology and social change are central forces in globalization processes, reshaping how power is distributed and exercised across borders.

Social media, particularly platforms like Facebook and Twitter, have become influential tools for public mobilization and decision-making. However, there is still a lack of systematic research to understand the full scope of social media's impact on political dynamics. These platforms are increasingly being used to bypass traditional political systems, creating new nodes of power and challenging concepts of state sovereignty and territoriality. This phenomenon, often referred to as "cyberpower," is reshaping how authority is exercised and contested globally.

In Nigeria, the influence of social media on political campaigns became evident during the 2011 elections. The emergence of social media platforms as a powerful tool for political engagement was exemplified by President Goodluck Jonathan's decision to announce his presidential bid on Facebook, effectively overshadowing the presidential declaration of General Ibrahim Babangida. By using social media to directly communicate with voters, Jonathan connected with a tech-savvy youth demographic, which played a crucial role in his electoral success.

The increasing reliance on social media and other digital platforms has led to a “disjuncture” in traditional political structures, as outlined by Arjun Appadurai (2001), where the fluidity of information flows across borders challenges the authority of nation-states to control developments within their territories. In this new “geography of power,” the Internet serves as both a platform for empowerment and a space of contested meanings, as evidenced by the growing role of social media in shaping public discourse and influencing political outcomes.

Social Media as Spaces of Contested Meanings
Social media platforms are increasingly challenging established power structures and blurring traditional boundaries between power centers. The role of social media in political campaigns has been highlighted by its pivotal role in Barack Obama's 2008 U.S. presidential campaign, where digital platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube played a significant role in mobilizing support and engaging voters. Obama's use of social media to reach millions of supporters and organize grassroots movements became a model for future political campaigns worldwide.

Similarly, social media played a significant role in the 2010 parliamentary elections in the United Kingdom, where nearly half of the population used the Internet as a primary source of election information. Social media platforms allowed for real-time feedback, the amplification of political events, and the spread of alternative narratives, which had a profound impact on how political campaigns were conducted and perceived.

In Nigeria, social media played a transformative role in the 2011 elections, marking the first time that digital tools like SMS, smartphones, and social media platforms enabled citizen observers to report on electoral proceedings in real time. Civil society organizations like Enough is Enough (EIE) and ReclaimNaija spearheaded this movement, utilizing Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube to document electoral observations and share them widely, enhancing transparency and accountability.

Power of Influence: Use of Social Media in the 2011 Elections
President Jonathan's use of social media during the 2011 Nigerian elections was a notable example of how digital platforms can be leveraged for political gain. Within 20 days of joining Facebook in 2010, Jonathan amassed over 100,000 followers, and by the time of the April 2011 elections, his fan base had grown to over 500,000, positioning him as one of the most followed political leaders globally on Facebook.

Drawing inspiration from Obama’s successful use of social media in his 2008 campaign, Jonathan effectively engaged with Nigerian voters, particularly the youth, through frequent updates and interactive posts on his Facebook page. This included the release of a book, My Friends and I: Conversations on Policy and Governance, which compiled his Facebook posts and responses from his supporters. Though no comprehensive studies have been conducted on the relationship between Facebook use and electoral outcomes, anecdotal evidence suggests that social media played a significant role in Jonathan’s victory by providing a platform for dialogue and engagement with a politically active and tech-savvy population.

This case underscores the growing importance of social media as a political tool and its potential to reshape political discourse in countries like Nigeria, where traditional power structures are increasingly being challenged by new forms of digital activism.

Social Media and Elections: The Nigerian Spring
Unlike the Arab Spring, which was catalyzed by the explosive, often violent power of social media, Nigeria’s own revolution, which some have termed its “Nigerian Spring,” unfolded silently but with profound impact in the realm of democratic elections. Social media in Nigeria did not erupt in chaotic protests, but instead sparked a non-violent yet transformative shift in the country's electoral process. The "Tracking Social Media Report" released by the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Foundation and written by Asuni and Farris (2011) outlines several key ways in which social media reshaped the election landscape in Nigeria.
● The very availability of social media began to shift the electoral environment that had been previously marred by covert manipulation, where election results were altered by both politicians and electoral commissions. This manipulation led to voter apathy, as citizens felt increasingly disconnected from the political process. However, the rise of social media allowed for a more transparent, accountable electoral system, giving citizens a voice and making the political process more participatory.
● A quiet yet powerful citizen-led revolution emerged, what can be described as a non-violent "Nigerian Spring" of empowerment, as people took to platforms like Twitter and Facebook to participate in the election dialogue. This awakening was met with an unusual receptivity from key government agencies to embrace citizen participation. The electoral momentum was not just anecdotal but quantifiable, with Twitter commanding 77% of the volume of election-related content, followed by SMS at 22%. Nigeria set a new record in African electoral history in terms of the volume of reports tracked using social media, marking a new era of engagement.
● 2011 marked the first time that social media was widely used in a Nigerian election. While Nigerians had been active on platforms like Facebook for years, and a smaller number had ventured into Twitter, no political party, government agency (including INEC), or civil society group had ever harnessed social media for nationwide election reporting. This shift in the use of social media was unprecedented in Nigerian elections, showcasing a novel form of civic engagement.
● Traditionally, social media was thought to be the domain of young, educated professionals. However, the 2011 elections saw a broader cross-section of Nigerian society embracing these platforms. Unfortunately, due to limitations in the data available—especially on Twitter, which does not collect demographic information—it was difficult to assess the full participation of various demographic groups. Nonetheless, the widespread adoption of social media across age, gender, and geographic lines signified a democratization of the platforms and their potential.
● The 2011 elections were transformative for millions of Nigerian voters, particularly the youth, whose voices were amplified for the first time through social media. The accessibility, low cost, and potential for anonymity allowed individuals to cross social and political divides and engage with those from different backgrounds or orientations, fostering a new level of civic dialogue.
● Social media also allowed global observers to follow Nigeria's elections in real-time, democratizing the flow of information. Citizens were able to access more direct and accurate updates, contributing to an unprecedented level of political participation. INEC’s website received a staggering 25 million hits in just three days during the presidential election, further testament to the central role social media played in the electoral process.
● Social media tools also revolutionized the efficiency and reach of election monitoring. Domestic observer groups, equipped with the necessary skills and resources, were able to cover and report elections more extensively and at lower costs. This new approach presents a cost-benefit argument that may lead international observer organizations to reconsider the expense of sending large teams abroad, instead partnering with tech-savvy local groups who can use social media to monitor elections more effectively.

6.1.7 Beyond Influence: Media and the 2015 Presidential Election Ibraheem, Ogwezzy-Ndisika, and Tejumaiye (2015)
The 2015 Presidential Election in Nigeria stands as one of the most fiercely contested in the country’s history. Its significance is underscored not only by the intense strategic and tactical political advertisements undertaken by the two major parties—the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)—but also by the sheer volume of national and international interest it generated. The political stakes were so high that they drew in global attention, with foreign governments and international organizations encouraging both major political parties to sign a peace pact ahead of the election. The anticipation surrounding the election was so palpable that many Nigerians even relocated to their home regions out of concern over potential violence in the aftermath of the election results.

This election also marked an unprecedented level of mass media coverage. From the early days leading up to March 28, 2015, Nigerian mass media—both print and electronic—was inundated with political advertisements, news analyses, editorial pieces, opinion articles, and election predictions. The media served as more than just a passive channel for communication; it became the principal forum through which political parties gauged their popularity and shaped public discourse. The media became, in essence, the public educator, disseminating key political information and fostering an informed electorate.

The media also played a critical role in reflecting the nation’s political landscape, amplifying the various voices and debates that permeated the election cycle. The extensive media coverage ensured that voters were more engaged and informed than in any previous election, making 2015 a watershed moment in the country’s political history.

Six States as Battlegrounds
The projections made by mass media prior to Nigeria's 2015 presidential election revealed a fascinating, yet complex landscape of political forecasts. Notably, while many outlets predicted a clear victory for the two major parties, the final results bore some surprises. The Guardian newspaper, for instance, forecasted a win for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), but this prediction was not realized. In contrast, two other newspapers forecasted an All Progressives Congress (APC) victory, which ultimately came to pass, albeit with some discrepancies in the specific states predicted to be battlegrounds.

For example, The Nation projected that states like Adamawa, Benue, Kogi, and Plateau would be hotly contested between the two main parties, yet APC emerged victorious in these states. Meanwhile, the paper predicted that Rivers and Edo states would be battlegrounds, but PDP claimed victory, including a landslide in Rivers State. These discrepancies underscore the inherent uncertainty and volatility in electoral forecasts, even from established sources.

A notable commonality in these media predictions was that both major candidates—Goodluck Jonathan and Muhammadu Buhari—were expected to win in their respective strongholds: Jonathan in the South-South and Buhari in the North. These projections proved accurate. Additionally, both newspapers and analysts agreed that the APC would dominate the South-West while the PDP would secure the South-East, and these predictions were affirmed by the final electoral outcome.

Some international political risk firms also weighed in on the election forecasts. For example, Teneo Intelligence, a New York-based firm, gave Muhammadu Buhari a slight edge, though it acknowledged the possibility of a last-minute upset by President Jonathan. Similarly, Eurasia Group estimated a 60 percent chance of Buhari winning, contingent on the sway of undecided voters.

These media projections highlight the agenda-setting power of the mass media. By predicting electoral outcomes, the media plays a pivotal role in shaping public opinion and guiding discourse in society. As Tejumaiye (2008) aptly noted, no society today can function effectively without the news media, which informs the public, transmits government policies, and influences public opinion. He stressed the deep impact the media has on shaping our attitudes, behaviors, and even moral values. Similarly, Severin and Tankard (1987) argued that modern society cannot imagine functioning without mass media, which serve various critical roles depending on individual needs. Mackay and O’Sullivan (1999) also highlighted the mass media's unique position in disseminating symbolic culture and societal values.

The Muted Influence of Negative Media Campaigns
As the 2015 presidential election approached, there was palpable fear of potential violence, compounded by the heated rhetoric and divisive tactics used by some political figures. A particularly tense atmosphere, often fueled by inflammatory language and half-truths, prompted the leading candidates—Goodluck Jonathan and Muhammadu Buhari—along with other party leaders, to sign the Abuja Accord on January 14, 2015. This peace pact, witnessed by international dignitaries like former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, was a commitment to ensuring free, fair, and peaceful elections, with candidates pledging to avoid inflammatory rhetoric and incitement to violence.

The peace accord was renewed in March 2015, just days before the election, reaffirming the candidates' willingness to accept the election results. However, despite this formal commitment, the election period saw some regrettable instances of negative campaigning. Some individuals, driven by misguided zeal, resorted to divisive personal attacks in the media, including social media spaces, which escalated tensions.

Examples of negative media campaigns included derogatory statements, such as the claim by Governor Willie Obiano that any Igbo person voting for APC was a "bastard" and an "enemy of Biafra." Furthermore, inflammatory comments by the Oba of Lagos and various accusations against opposition figures became major points of contention. In one such instance, a statement allegedly made by the Oba threatened political opponents with violence, leading to widespread backlash, especially within the Igbo community.

The negative campaigning reached a fever pitch in media advertisements and public statements. Notably, the APC's spokesperson in Ekiti state called PDP figures "unconscionable," while accusations of rigging were leveled against President Jonathan without evidence. Similarly, Fani-Kayode, a PDP spokesperson, made controversial allegations linking Buhari to terrorist groups. These attacks were not just political jabs but efforts to tarnish the reputations of political opponents, often through unverified or exaggerated claims.

In contrast, some of the personal attacks against Buhari, such as calling him a "diapers-wearing old man," or suggestions that he was funded by corrupt individuals, lacked factual basis and amounted to political mudslinging. The media coverage of these attacks raised concerns about the ethical responsibilities of broadcasters, particularly the National Television Authority (NTA), which aired these allegations live. These broadcasts violated the principles set out in the Nigerian Broadcasting Code, which mandates broadcasters to be accountable for the content they air.

Despite the intensity of these negative campaigns, the final election results seemed to diminish their impact. The media, though powerful in shaping public opinion, did not entirely determine the election's outcome. This serves as a reminder that while the mass media has immense power to influence, it is ultimately the political landscape and the will of the electorate that shapes the final results. The political nature of Nigerian media, deeply intertwined with the nation's political dynamics, reflects the broader divides in the country's political economy, where media outlets often mirror the interests and alignments of political powers.

Changing Media Landscape: The Internet Replaces TV as the UK’s Most Popular News Source for the First Time Dan Milmo, BBC, 10th September 2024
Online platforms have now surpassed traditional television as the leading source of news for UK adults, signaling a significant shift in media consumption patterns. According to data from the UK’s communications regulator, Ofcom, more than seven in ten UK adults (71%) now turn to online sources for news, slightly outpacing TV, which is accessed by 70% of the adult population. Ofcom has characterized this development as a "generational shift" in the media landscape. Social media has played a pivotal role in this transformation, with more than half (52%) of UK adults using social media platforms for news, up from 47% in 2023. The most commonly used social media platforms for news include Facebook, which reaches 30% of adults, followed by YouTube, Instagram, and X. Notably, the BBC News website and app remain a significant source, used by 18% of adults.

Ofcom’s research into news consumption during the recent general election found that six in ten people encountered false or misleading content, with over a quarter reporting exposure to "deepfake" media—manipulated images or audio of public figures. The BBC’s Fiona Bruce, who anchors some of the corporation’s most important current affairs coverage, expressed concern over social media’s growing influence. In a Radio Times column, she lamented that the rise of social media as a news source is a challenge for everyone, not just journalists. She emphasized the difficulty of rectifying misinformation once it spreads, citing her own frustrations with platforms like X.

7.0 Conclusion
Madam Vice Chancellor, the role and power of the media in society have been examined from multiple perspectives by scholars, yet a common thread emerges: the media's unique capacity to mediate reality. My inaugural lecture interrogated this role, analyzing how the media constructs and controls reality—both positively and negatively—through the lens of my 30-year journey as an academic, researcher, and activist.

The lecture drew upon my research, teaching, and mentorship of student projects to explore the nuances of media power. It highlighted how media narratives, audience interpretations, and the constructionist framework intersect to shape societal perceptions and address complex challenges in both local and global contexts.

Media as an Institution of Power: The media, as the "fourth estate," reflects societal power structures and is often influenced by powerful interests. While it plays a critical role in holding governments accountable, the control exerted by media owners over narratives often undermines this watchdog function.

Changing Media Landscape: The rise of social media has shifted power from traditional media institutions to platform owners and skilled users who shape reality through digital means. This transformation underscores the need for vigilance in ensuring ethical and balanced media practices.

Challenges in Journalism: Journalism faces a crisis of credibility, with some news platforms enabling misinformation and “casino-like” practices instead of fostering informed discourse. This degradation threatens the media's role as a promoter of public consciousness and rational debate.

Journalism Education: The current vocational focus of journalism training risks intellectual stagnation. A shift towards interdisciplinarity is essential to equip future journalists with the analytical and ethical grounding necessary to navigate modern challenges.

The media, as an ontological compass, helps societies make sense of the world by constructing and legitimizing rational thoughts and ideas. However, its potential is compromised when it succumbs to intellectual inertia, misinformation, or external pressures. A responsible media system fosters empowerment and rational discourse, while an irresponsible one leads to deprivation and chaos.

To secure the future of media and journalism in Nigeria, we must embrace interdisciplinarity in education, innovate funding models, and advocate for ethical practices that prioritize public good over private interest. This is the path to a resilient media system capable of navigating societal challenges and upholding democratic ideals.

8.0 My Current Research: Mapping Press Freedom and Civic Space in Nigeria
In my current research, I focus on the evolving role of media and civil society in shaping societies, influencing policy, and safeguarding democracy. In Nigeria, the shrinking civic space presents a significant challenge to citizen participation, accountability, and the media's ability to function as an effective check on power. As the boundaries of civic and media spaces contract, the quality of information, public discourse, and democratic participation is undermined.

To address this, I am leading the development of the Vibrant Openness Index for Communication and Expression (VOICE), an initiative by the Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development (CJID) with support from the Netherlands Embassy. The VOICE project aims to measure press freedom and freedom of expression across Nigeria's 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). The project combines desk research, surveys, and in-depth interviews with journalists and civil society actors to assess the enablers and inhibitors of press freedom in the country.

The results will produce an index to track the state of press freedom and provide empirical data for advocating policy reforms to strengthen media freedom, free expression, the right to information, and the safety of journalists. Our methodology includes both quantitative and qualitative approaches, evaluating factors such as legal frameworks, social, economic, and political influences, cultural norms, and gender dynamics.

The vision we aim for is one of inclusivity and pluralism—a society where individuals have unrestricted access to the media, regardless of their social status. We envision a society where citizens can express themselves freely without fear of retribution, where the government is transparent and accountable, and where the press performs its watchdog role effectively. We strive for a society where journalism is a tool for liberty and democratic accountability, where the media serves the public, not just the elite.

By developing a comprehensive theory of change, we aim to create a framework that aligns our objectives with tangible outcomes, ultimately contributing to a stronger, more resilient democratic governance in Nigeria.

9.0 Contributions to the University
9.1 Pedagogy
New Frontiers of Learning: Teacher and Student Interaction in the Age of New Media
(Ibraheem, 2014)

Over the past two centuries, humanity has witnessed remarkable technological advancements across all facets of life. From the invention of the radio and the emergence of television to the transformative rise of the internet, communication media have revolutionized the way societies function. These developments have not only introduced new devices but have also fundamentally altered societal structures. Technology’s relentless march has prompted significant shifts in workplaces, homes, schools, nations, and the world at large. Those who anticipated and adapted to these changes have thrived, while those caught off guard have often struggled to remain relevant.

Among these transformative forces, new media stands out as a catalyst for profound change, reshaping thought processes and, most notably, interpersonal and broader societal relationships. It has become a powerful driver of what experts like Saskia Sassen (1998) and Manuel Castells (2009) describe as a "new geography of power." Communication scholars forecast a future where individuals, rather than states, dominate the arena of global politics (Vasconcelos, 2009), while others predict the ascendancy of civil society and non-governmental organizations (Sassen, 1998). While globalization and new media undoubtedly play pivotal roles in this evolution, a deeper, empirically grounded exploration of power dynamics, particularly as they manifest in teacher-student interactions, is both timely and essential. This study addresses that imperative by examining the impact of new media on teaching and learning outcomes among students in the Department of Mass Communication at the University of Lagos.

The dynamics of classroom relationships are undergoing a seismic shift. The balance of power, traditionally skewed towards the all-knowing teacher, is increasingly tilting towards students, who now command unprecedented access to information. The teacher’s once unassailable authority over knowledge dissemination is being challenged as students tap into the vast reservoirs of online resources. Curricula that fail to integrate this digital reality risk obsolescence, as knowledge becomes more democratized and widely available.
As the esteemed scholar Paulo Freire argued, pedagogy must respond to the unique circumstances of students. This principle resonates in contemporary educational research, including works such as The Future of the Curriculum (Ben Williamson, 2013), The Future of Learning Institutions in a Digital Age (Davidson and Goldberg, 2009), Digital Media and Technology in Afterschool Programs, Libraries, and Museums (Herr-Stephenson, Rhoten, Perkel, and Sims, 2011), Confronting the Challenges of Participatory Culture (Jenkins, 2009), and Living and Learning with New Media (Ito et al., 2009).

This study examined two courses in the Department of Mass Communication at the University of Lagos: the undergraduate course New Media Technology (with 98 students) and the postgraduate course Interpreting Urban Problems (with 13 students). All enrolled students participated in the research, which applied ten key principles to foster a transformative learning experience. To embody the principle of self-learning, students were tasked with researching specific topics, either individually or in small groups of six to ten. The principle of horizontal learning was reflected in the presentation sessions, which were student-led, with lecturers serving as facilitators or moderators. In this role, lecturers resolved contradictions between presumed authority and collective responsibility by offering informed perspectives on less credible sources identified by students.

Decentered pedagogy and networked learning were incorporated through collective contributions, whether in preparation, presentation, or critique of findings. To promote open-source education and emphasize connectivity and interactivity, students created Facebook pages as platforms for extended dialogue and engagement. The undergraduate students established the New Media Tech Class page, while the postgraduate cohort created the Urban Action Forum. Both pages were managed by student volunteers as administrators and facilitated open discussions between students and lecturers. This study spanned four months, from June to October 2012. At the conclusion of the courses, students provided feedback on the teaching methodologies, highlighting the transformative potential of this approach.

By integrating new media into the teaching framework, this study underscores the shifting dynamics in the teacher-student relationship and the broader implications for education in the digital age. As access to knowledge becomes increasingly decentralized, educators must adapt, embracing innovative pedagogical strategies that acknowledge the evolving landscape of power and learning in a connected world.

Views of Students
The feedback from students highlighted the transformative impact of integrating new media into pedagogy. Below is a synthesis of their perspectives:

Student A:
The course fostered a research-oriented mindset, reducing sole reliance on lecture notes and encouraging public presentation skills. It cultivated a sense of community among students. The use of Facebook provided an interactive platform for communication with the lecturer, further enhancing the learning process. Students could also access course materials on the page, facilitating easier study and collaboration (15 September 2012, 15:09).

Student B:
Building on the earlier points, the class demonstrated the efficacy of new media in education. By making every student both a contributor and consumer of critical media issues, the course significantly impacted academic and moral development. The Facebook page bridged traditional gaps in teacher-student and peer-to-peer relationships, fostering a balanced and interactive learning environment. MAS 105 provided a unique and enriching educational experience (15 September 2012, 19:42).

Student C:
The course showcased how new media enhanced interaction among students. While challenges arose, the Facebook page proved invaluable as a dedicated space for communication technology discussions. It created a platform for ongoing engagement, underscoring the value of renaming the page for clarity and continued use (18 September 2012, 07:47).

Student D:
The New Communication Technology Class enabled socialization, critical discussion, and idea-sharing, significantly improving communication and intellectual skills. The internet played a vital role in the success of the class, transforming the world into a "global village," as McLuhan predicted. This class emphasized the value of interactivity and participation in learning (18 September 2012, 17:54).

Student E:
The teaching approach was interactional, heuristic, and research-focused, embodying two core elements of new media: creative participation through presentations and discussions and community formation through collaborative group work. The method surpassed traditional pedagogy by encouraging brainstorming, research, and confidence-building. The Facebook page complemented this by facilitating information sharing and intellectual exchanges (23 September 2012, 14:45).

Student F:
This course stood out for its unique and interactive teaching methods, which fostered idea-sharing and collaboration through the class's Facebook page. Research assignments deepened students’ knowledge and understanding, making the learning process engaging and impactful. Both lecturers and students contributed to the success of this innovative educational model (19 September 2012, 12:16).

Student G:
The innovative teaching approach fostered better relationships among first-year students. The Facebook page supported collaborative learning and allowed shy students to contribute more comfortably. A change in the page's name was suggested for better alignment with its purpose (19 September 2012, 23:37).

Student H:
The class introduced an interactive approach that contrasted with conventional lectures. Allowing students to independently source information made learning engaging and helped them connect with peers. The method was unconventional but effective, transforming students into self-directed learners under the lecturer’s guidance (21 September 2012, 05:38).

Student I:
The practical teaching method demonstrated how new communication technologies facilitate interaction within large groups. The Facebook page enriched the learning experience by hosting class presentations and current discussions, fostering active participation (22 September 2012, 13:02).

Student J:
As a digital native, the student initially underestimated their knowledge of new media. However, MAS 105 proved transformative, broadening horizons on communication technologies through research and exploration. The Facebook page provided practical benefits, such as accessing class materials conveniently, even in emergencies. The course’s interactive design earned high praise (23 September 2012, 02:25).

Student K:
The course elevated the use of the internet beyond casual chatting, encouraging interaction and inclusivity. Shy students found the platform particularly helpful for expressing themselves. The class fostered a sense of openness, with information flowing freely, making coursework enjoyable and collaborative (23 September 2012, 16:38).

Student L:
This teaching approach created an effective avenue for disseminating information and fostering interaction. The Facebook page facilitated learning, keeping students informed and engaged in discussions about new communication technologies. It provided a practical and enjoyable learning experience (24 September 2012, 12:39).

Student M:
Initial skepticism about the group-based teaching method gave way to appreciation as the course progressed. The integration of Facebook opened up new avenues for learning, teamwork, and camaraderie among students. The course was lauded for its innovative and engaging design (27 September 2012, 12:09).

Student N:
The dramatization in presentations and the collaborative teaching method made learning more accessible and engaging. By encouraging students to leverage new communication technologies for research and discussion, the course highlighted the practical relevance of these tools in academic and professional contexts (27 September 2012, 21:40).

Student O:
Despite initial apprehension, the group-based teaching method proved to be highly educative and effective. The unconventional approach motivated students to research independently and engage actively with the course material (28 September 2012, 08:39).

Student P:
The course instilled a sense of responsibility and boldness through group projects and presentations. While initially underestimated, it ultimately offered a rewarding and enlightening experience, showcasing the value of interactive and research-driven teaching methods.

The collective feedback underscores the effectiveness of a hybrid teaching model that integrates traditional classroom instruction with transformative experiences facilitated by new media. In this case, the use of Facebook as a pedagogical tool significantly enhanced the learning experience, fostering interaction, collaboration, and critical thinking. This approach highlights the pivotal role of technology in driving pedagogical innovation, particularly in contexts where access to up-to-date learning resources may be limited.

9.2 My Seeds
PhD Students
Dr Dayo Duyile (Oldest PhD holder in the history of University of Lagos)
Dr Mumini Alao
Dr Kabir Garba
Dr Nkechi Alli-Balogun
Dr Vincent Nwanma
Dr Mercy Okhiade
Dr Shola Hassan
Mentees
Dr Vincent Obia
Dr Godwin Iretomiwa
Dr Shuaib Hussein
D Mutallab Abubakar
Dr Jamiu Folarin
Kelechi University of Berkely California
Christy Ejiogu BBC
Shola Lawal AlJazeera
9.3 Contribution to the Department of Mass Communication
PG Course Coordinator: I created research clusters to put students into areas of research relevant to the expertise of the students.
9.4 Faculty of Social Science:
Social Science Research Laboratory, ICT Committee, Conference Committee and
Faculty Research Committee
9.5 School of Post Graduate School
School: Editor of Lagoon Review
9.6 University of Lagos:
Bloomberg Media Initiative Africa, Principal University Lead,
Acting Chair of UNILAG Press and Booksshop (brought both back to profitability).
Director Office of International Relations, Partnerships and Prospects:
Operationalising the Internationalisation Strategy developed by the VC, Professor Folasade Ogunsola:

UNILAG International Agora
2019
Education in a Connected World
Open Borders, Open Markets: Higher Education and the Challenge of Mobility and Integration in Africa
Future of Education and Work in the Fourth Industrial Revolution
Cities of the Future and Future of Cities
Inauguration of the African Students Leaders Network

2021
Universities of the Future
Futures Thinking and Strategic Collaboration
Education Collaboratives
Universities Administration of the Future
Centre for Futures Studies

2023
Partnership for Change
Breaking the Borders of Partnerships
Partners Forum
Vice Chancellor’s Dialogue
Vice Chancellors Roundtable
Nelson Mandela Day

3MT Competition
Internationalisation: Lesssons and Experiences
Afretec Coursera
2024
Inclusive Digital Transformation and the University Promise
Innovation Challenge
Teaching and Learning Excellence Workshop
Global Visibility through Publications Workshop with Elsevier
Sustainable Software Engineering for Green Deal
Digital Transformation and Global Health Equity
Smart Cities and Inclusive Urban Transformation
Centre for Global and Area Studies
South African Nigeria Higher Education Forum

1.) Annual International Agora
2.) African Student Leaders Network
3.) International Doctoral Academy
4.) 3MT
5.) Partnership for Change
6.) Nigeria South Africa Summit
7.) International Mobility Programme
8.) Afretec
9.) Coursera
10.) Elsevier

10. Recommendations
1. Rethinking Mass Communication Education:
○ Journalism education should adopt a model where students pursue journalism as a postgraduate specialization, as practiced in South Africa. This approach ensures a more mature and grounded cohort of journalists.
○ Communication and media studies should remain interdisciplinary to retain their relevance and versatility.
2. Innovative Media Funding:
○ Media organizations should establish Foundations to seek funding from donor and multilateral organizations, as seen with Premium Times, Punch, Nation, and Daily Trust.
○ Collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Digital Economy is necessary to demand a fairer share of advertising revenue from tech giants like Google and Meta.
3. Strategic National Policies:
○ Introduce a "Social Disturbance Tax" and other mechanisms to ensure sustainable media funding.
○ Leverage international education and partnerships to address funding gaps in Nigerian universities.

11 Acknowledgements

University Lagos Management

I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to Madam Vice Chancellor, Prof Folashade Ogunsola, my great mentor, my nurturer, who was Deputy Vice Chancellor during my first tenure in the management role as the Deputy Director. Our collaborative work then laid the foundation for the strong relationship we share today. She has been a tremendous aid to me, offering her support and guidance. I am hopeful for her continued faith in me and look forward to further collaboration in the future. Mr Segun Ogunsola (social capital hope this can be translated into tangible academic credits at some point) of support for being a pillar of support, Mr Oluwaseun Mabogunje other family members and the children.

Members of Management
Office of the Vice Chancellor: Mr Akin, Olusheye, Funmi and Ajani for supporting the vision

My sincere thanks go to Prof Ogundipe, the penultimate Vice Chancellor, who had immense faith in me and saw potential in my abilities. His unwavering support was instrumental in helping me navigate my role, and I am truly appreciative of the guidance and opportunities he provided. His confidence in me has made a lasting impact, and I will always be grateful for his support.

I am deeply grateful to Prof Abdul Rahmon Bello, the then Vice Chancellor, who believed in me from the outset and was the first to support and encourage me toward the role of Deputy Director. His faith in my potential was a driving force in my professional growth, and I sincerely hope I have been able to exceed his expectations of me. His guidance and belief in me have been invaluable, and I remain grateful for his encouragement throughout my journey. Professor Ayo Ogunye, the jagaban of UNILAG

Former DVCs, Professor Babajide Alo, Professor Duro Oni, Professor Ben Ogbujiafor

Mentors:
I am deeply grateful to my mentors, Prof Olayide Abass and his late wife Alhaja , Prof Ishaq Oloyede and his wife Alhaja and Professor Ralph Akinfeleye and hislate wife who played a pivotal role in encouraging me to return to Nigeria. Your reassurance that I would find my place and have ample opportunities gave me the confidence to take that step. Since my return,you have continued to assist and support me, offering guidance and encouragement that have been instrumental in my journey. Reaching such heights and standing here today would not have been possible without your unwavering belief in me. May my Lord bless you abundantly for your invaluable contributions to my life and career. Prince Imran Kola Bushra.

My teachers
Faculty of Social Sciences, Dean, former deans that I have worked with, senior professors and my colleagues. Comrade Laja, Lara Quadri, Comrade Dele Ashiru etc. Department of Mass Communications: Teachers, HODs professors and colleagues and my students. The Alumni Association UMCAA.

International Agora Friends: Professor Bobby Moroe, Cosul General South African Consulate, Lagos, Professor Leila Mathews, Ambassador Akande, former Consul General, Nigerian Consulate, Frankfurt, Yvonne Fas Bank of America, Professor Peter McLeavey University of Dundee, Professor Jo Angouri, University of Warwick, Dr Nico Elema, University of Stellenbosch, Mr Babs Aston University, Emma GSS,…

The Group: Professor Duro Oni, Professor Adeleke, Professor Muyiwa Falaiye, the CMD Professor Wasiu Lanre Adeyemo, my sister, Professor Abosede Afolabi

The three musketeers: Professor Sunday Adebisi, Professor Hakeem Amuda and myself worked with the current VC to build on the foundation she laid at the ESDC, Innovation Office and the Office of International Relations, partnerships and Prospects.

My Spiritual fathers and friends
I am profoundly grateful to my spiritual fathers, whose wisdom and guidance have kept me grounded and deepened my understanding of faith. Your teachings and encouragement have motivated me to strive for excellence in every aspect of life, always keeping my eyes on the true goal. You have been a source of inspiration, reminding me of the importance of integrity, perseverance, and devotion to God. Your support has been invaluable in shaping me into the person I am today, and I pray that my Lord continues to bless you for your positive impact on my life. My special thanks goes to Sheikh Abdul Fattah Thanni, Sheikh Dhikrullah Shaffi, Professor Murtadha Bidmos, Professor Ismail Musa Chief Imam of the University of Lagos Community, Professor Lai Olurode, former Chairman University of Lagos Muslim Community, the entire University of Lagos Muslim Community. Professor Tajudeen Yusuf, Imam Dr Abdullah Shuaib, Dr Abdul Hakeem AbdulLateef, Lawyer Bello Afolayan, …

Inaugural committee:
I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the inaugural committee for their dedication, meticulous planning, and hard work in making this event a reality today. Your attention to detail, professionalism, and commitment to excellence have ensured that this occasion is nothing short of remarkable. Every aspect of this event reflects your tireless efforts and passion for perfection, creating an atmosphere that is both meaningful and memorable. Your ability to coordinate seamlessly and anticipate every need has truly been commendable. I am deeply appreciative of your contributions and thank you for making this day a success. May your efforts be richly rewarded. Prof. Adepoju Tejumaiye (Chairman), Dr. (Mrs) Morufa Omotayo (Vice-Chairman), Professor Oloruntola Sunday, Prince Sulayman Olagunju, Mr. Mojeed Alabi, Dr. Kabir Alabi Garba, Dr. Noimot Balogun, Dr. Maryam Quadri, Dr. Victor Onifade, Dr. Ayodele Shittu, Dr. Esther Tontteh, Dr. Mariam Gbajumo-Sherrif, Dr. Mrs. Kemi Aweda, Mrs. Gold Nkenchor, Mrs. Lateefah Adekola, Mrs. Modupe Williams, Ms. Damilola Odekunle, Mr. Temidayo Akeju, Ms. Toyin Ganiyu, Ms. Tolúwanimí Ìdòwu,

The University of Lagos Global engagement Committee: Our institution’s vision to annex global resources for the development of manpower and skills has been supported with your efforts and commitments. I will like to appreciate you all, Prof. Omolola Orenuga (Co-Chairman), Prof. Abimbola Sowemimo, Prof. Patrick Oloko, Prof. Kehinde Umeizudike, Prof. Blessing Anyikwa, Dr. Maryam Quadri, Dr. Victor Onifade, Dr. Oluwafemi Ipinnimo, Dr. Adegboyega Ehinmowo, Dr. Jacob Adeyanju, Dr. Mariam Gbajumo-Sheriff, Mr. Abolade Akinwunmi, Mr. Afolabi Yusuff, Dr Omolara Ojo, Dr Adesina Arikawe, Dr. Obiageli Modebelu,mDr. Ibrahim Obadina, Dr. Tenny Egwuatu, Dr. Folasade Adegbite, Mr. Sulyman Lawal, Mrs. Adebimpe Oroleke, Mr. AbdulLateef Yussuff, Mrs. Modupe Williams (Secretary)

International office
My people, my strength, my backbone, you’ve all made it happen, without your unflinching support and dedication it would have been otherwise. The success achieved by our wonderful office is in no less measure your commitments, your belief in the vision and your sacrifices, we have successfully organised 4 International weeks together. Mrs. Modupe Williams, Mr. Jibril Mohammed Ibrahim, Mrs. Bolanle Kuburat Amusa, Ms. Ganiyu Oluwatoyin Zulikha, Mr. Sunday Moses Aseperi, Mr. Abidoye Oladapo Sunday, Mr. Idowu Akintimehin. Former staff, Mrs Josephine Asiwaju, Dr Mary Akinyemi, Mr Keshinro

University of Lagos Press and Bookshop Board: I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the board members of the UNILAG Press and Bookshop for their support and cooperation during my tenure as the chair. Ms. Lola Shoneyin (Chairperson), Professor Patrick Oloko, Professor A. O. Onakoya, Professor Ismail Adeleke, Dr. Folashade Adegbite, Mr. Muhtar Bakare, Dr. Bolaji Ogunwo, Mrs. Bisi Sulu-Olumide, Mr. AbdulLateef Yussuff (Secretary)

University of Lagos Afretec Group
The ACRC Family: Members of the Senior Management Team, City Managers and Uptake Leads, Uptake Team Chris, Rosebella, Hannah and Claire. Others: Freya, Michelle, Julie, Amy, Kate and Clarisse. ACRC Team University of Lagos, Professor Taibat Lawanson, Dr Temilade Sesan….

Parents
I am profoundly grateful to my Lord for the immense blessing of having been raised by loving and supportive parents, the late Alhaji Ibraheem Akamu and Alhaja.Fatimah Ibraheem. Despite your limited formal education—with my mother being entirely unlettered—you both deeply valued the transformative power of learning. You sacrificed tirelessly to ensure I could pursue an education, planting in me the seeds of discipline and determination that have carried me to this point. Your prayers, encouragement, and belief in my potential became the foundation of my academic achievements. Though you are no longer with us,your legacy lives on in every milestone I reach. May my Lord grant you eternal rest and expand your graves with His boundless mercy.
Although my parents are no longer with us, but today I have the honour of introducing my father figure for today in the person of Abba Peters, my uncle and his amiable wife Victoria Odunola Peters. Also, I would like to introduce my mother of the day in person Alhaja Modina Olunloyo, my eldest sister. Her presence here today and her care have been a true blessing, and I deeply appreciate everything you’ve done for me. May Allah continue to bless you.

My Siblings
I am deeply thankful to my Lord for blessing me with my siblings, each of whom has been an integral part of my life. They have stood by me through thick and thin my day ones. They have been my unwavering companions. From childhood to this moment, we have shared laughter, tears, and countless experiences that have shaped who we are. Their support and encouragement have been instrumental in my journey, and I am grateful for the strong bond we share. I could not have come this far without your love. My elder sister, Principal Khadijah Adedeji, her husband Mr Abdul Majeed Adedeji, along with her in-laws, has always been a pillar of wisdom and guidance. My younger brother, Dr. AbdurRashid Ibraheem, his wife Mrs Sekinah Olaoye and his in-laws have been a source of motivation and pride. My other younger brother, AbdulMumin Ibraheem, Mrs ??? Ibraheem and his in-laws have brought warmth and encouragement. Lastly, my younger sister, Dr. Morufa Omotayo, her husband Dr Abdul Hamid Omotayo and her in-laws have shown consistent love and camaraderie to our family. Each of you has played an invaluable role in my life, and I pray that our Lord continues to bless and sustain us all. I am eternally grateful

From my father’s side, I am blessed with five additional siblings, Mrs Simbi Lawal, Zulikha Ibraheem, Yahya Ibraheem, Yaqub Ibraheem, Hawa Ibraheem who have brought joy, support, and positivity into my life. Your contributions, whether through encouragement, wisdom, or simply being there, have added great value to my journey, and I am grateful for the bond we share. On my mother’s side, I have four additional siblings, Alhaja Modinah, Late Mr Abdur Razaq Olunloyo, Late Mrs Muinat Abass, Late Mrs Monsurat. I remember you all with great affection and continue to pray for your peace. Each of you, past and present, have played an important role in my life, offering kindness, love, and support that has enriched me in countless ways. I am thankful to God for the presence of all my siblings and the unique blessings they bring to my life.

I am sincerely grateful to my Lord for the kindness and warmth I have experienced from the Bolarinwa family, Late Mr Murtadha Bolarinwa and Late Alhaja Habibah Bolarinwa,and the siblings of the cherished family of my first wife. From the very beginning, you welcomed me with open hearts and have consistently shown me support and encouragement. Your accepting and generous nature has strengthened the bond between us and added immeasurable value to my life. I pray that my Lord continues to bless and uphold the Bolarinwa family for your kindness and the positive impact you have had on our journey together.

I deeply appreciate the enduring connection I have with the Baba Muhammad family, the beloved family of my late second wife. Your kindness, acceptance, and unwavering support have been a great source of comfort and strength. You welcomed me warmly and have remained steadfast in your generosity and care, even after my wife’s passing. The lasting bond I share with the Baba Muhammad family is a testament to your grace and compassion. I pray that my Lord blesses you abundantly and continues to strengthen the ties that unite us. I have got to express my appreciation to the late former Head of State in the person of President Shehu Shagari who was the guardian of my late wife. I will also like to thank Gogo who is the first son of the former president

Immediate Family
I am profoundly grateful to my Lord for the blessing of my wife, my first love, my better half, and the mother of my children. A Complementary Health Practitioner, my confidant, my telepathic partner, my bosom friend, my formidable pillar of support especially during my losses. My tidings has been my steadfast partner through every stage of life, standing by me from my days as a student to where I am today. Through the highs and lows, she has been a constant source of encouragement, always urging me to be the best version of myself. Her sacrifices, unwavering support, and belief in my dreams have been the bedrock of my success. Together, we have shared not just a life, but common goals and a unified outlook, building a partnership rooted in love, understanding, and mutual respect. I thank God for her presence in my life and pray for His continued blessings upon her.

I thank my Lord for the time I was blessed to share with my late wife, though brief, it was profoundly impactful, a pillar of my connectedness. She was an epitome of selflessness, a charitable giver, a lover and home maker making my career journey smoother and fulfilling. She taught me valuable lessons through her character and kindness, leaving a lasting impression on my heart. Her short life with me was filled with unforgettable memories. I love you but your creator love you the most. I pray that my Lord grants her eternal peace and rewards her for the love, support, and inspiration she provided during our time together.

I thank my Lord for blessing me with children who have been an unwavering source of strength and inspiration. My son Muhammad Ibraheem and daughters Late Maryam Ibraheem, Asiyah Ibraheem and Hadiza Nana Umar have always believed in me, standing by my side through every challenge and triumph. Your encouragement, faith, and constant support have been a driving force in my pursuit of excellence. You remind me daily of God’s wisdom and guidance, trusting that He will always make a way. May my Lord grant her eternal peace and keep us all united in His mercy.

The children list would not be complete without the mention of my social children. The (Olori omo’le) Alfa Esin, Hadiza Nana Umar, Mardiyah Adedeji, Naila Abdullah, Safana Shaffi, Abudullah Mobolaji, Abdus Salam Yahya, Muneeb Zafaran, Abdul Hamid Agunbiade, Abdul Hamid Olagunju, Ibraheem Olagunju, Sultan Akanni, Abdur Rahman Kadri, Iyabo Abass, Muhammad Adepoju,

Very Special Friends, Kaibiyesi Professor Obalanlege, the Olota of Otta, Ambassador Adejare Bello, Mr Habib Haruna, former Chief Press Secretary, Lagos State Governor, Mr Waziri Adio, Mallam Lanre Issa-Onilu, Direcor General National Orientation Agency, Mallam Bolaji Abdullah, former Minister of Youths and Sports, Federal Republic of Nigeria. I am immensely grateful for the gift of friendship and for having such incredible friends by my side Mr Abdur Razaq Abdus-Salam, Prof Musa Obalola, Prof Tajudeen Yusuf, Mr Tunde Olakunle, My people from Leicester, I cannot forget those moments of diasporic feelings we shared together, it all remains indelible in my memory. On the journey together were Prof. Kamil Omoteso, Dr Shaffi Elegbede, Mr Usman Adeyemi, Prof Ismail Adelopo…. I will also like to make a special mention of friends and colleagues at LASU, Dr Tunde Akanni, Prof Khadijah Miftau, Prof Lateefah Yahya, Dr Adetokunbo Adenowo, also of importance is Professor Shuaib Osunleke of Obafemi Awolowo University. Your professional impact on my journey that culminate unto today’s event is highly remarkable and much appreciated Together, we have shared countless cherished memories, moments that bring warmth to my heart and remind me of the beauty of companionship. You have been my steadfast support during tough times, offering comfort and reassurance, and have celebrated with me during the joyful moments, adding to my happiness. Your encouragement and belief in me have often inspired me to strive for better things. I deeply appreciate your presence in my life and thank you for always having my back. May our bond continue to grow stronger.
I would like to extend my heartfelt gratitude to my childhood friends and secondary school mates—Friend 1, Friend 2, Friend 3, Friend 4, and Friend 5—for the cherished memories and experiences we shared growing up. You all played an integral role in shaping my formative years, offering companionship, laughter, and support that have left lasting imprints on my life. My secondary school mates and teachers provided a solid foundation and invaluable lessons that prepared me for the journey I have undertaken. Thank you all for being a part of my story, for the bonds we formed, and for the encouragement that continues to inspire me. May our shared experiences remain treasured, and may God bless you all abundantly.

Brothers from another mother
Mr Modupe AbdulKareem Kadri (MAK),the CFO MTN Nigeria and Prince Sulayman Olagunju.

11.0 References
1.) Ibraheem, I.A and Garba, K.A. (2019), Undermining the Freedom of Expression: etal. (ed.) Fake News and Hate Speech Narratives of Political Instability. Canada University Press, Ontario Canada. Pp 151-177.
2.) Ogwezzy-Ndisika, Ibraheem, I.A. and Faustino, B.A. (2016), Media Ethics and Elections Coverage in Nigeria: Understanding the Context and Imperatives from Gender Perspective. In Mukhongo, L.L. and Macharia, J.W., (ed.), Political Influence of the Media in Developing Countries, Hershey, Pennsylvania, IGI Global. pp 200 – 215.
3.) Ibraheem, I.A. (2014), Media and Politics: A Study of Nigerian 2011 General Elections, in L. Oso, R. Olatunji and N. Owens-Ibie (ed), Journalism and Media in Nigeria, Context, Issues and Practice, Canada University Press, Ontario, Canada, pp410-427.
4.) Ibraheem, I.A. (2014),Public Relations History in Nigeria. National Perspectives on the Development of Public Relations: Middle Eastern and African Perspectives on the Development of Public Relations Other Voices, Palgrave Pivot, Series Editor, Tom Watson, pp 97-108.
5.) Ibraheem, I.A., Ogwezzy-Ndisika, A. and Akanni, T.(2014) “Shell as a Window into the Development of Public Relations in Nigeria: from Information Management to Social Accountability” John III, B., Lamme, M. O. and L’Etang, J. (eds.) Pathways to Public Relations: Histories of Practice and Profession New York: Routledge. Pp. 193 – 205.
6.) Ibraheem, I.A. (2014),New Frontiers of Learning: Teacher and Student Interaction in the Age of New Media inAwodiya, D.O. Fermenting Communication Systems, Processes, & Contexts: A collection of Critical Essays & Research (ed.) Springboard Communications: Middletown. Pp. 172 – 182.
7.) Ibraheem, I.A., Ogwezzy-Ndisika, A. and Adewoye O.A. (2014),“Gendered Media and Power Asymmetries” In Awodiya, D.O. Fermenting Communication Systems, Processes, & Contexts: A collection of Critical Essays & Research (ed.) Springboard Communications: Middletown, pp 219 – 240.
8.) Ibraheem, I.A(2013),Mediating Politics: Human Rights and Democratization in Nigeria 1990-1999, Lambert Academic Publishing, Saarbrucken, Germany.
9.) Ibraheem, I.A(2012),Relational Capital and Political Mobilisation: A Case for Network Perspective on Democratisation (Human Rights and Political Mobilisation in Nigeria 1990-1999), Lambert Academic Publishing, Saarbrucken.
10.) Akinfeleye, R., Ibraheem, I.A and Daramola, Y. (2012), The Internet, Social Media and the New Geography of Power, in Awodiya, D.O (ed), Human Communication: Principles, Processes and Contexts, Second Edition, Springboard Publishers, Middletown, USA. Pp. 510 – 514.
11.) Ibraheem, I.A. and Mbamalu, M.(2020). Coverage of Ebola Virus Disease in Select Nigerian Newspapers. GVU Journal of Communication Studies, Vol.2, 2020 ISSN: 2736-1322, Department of Mass Communication, Glorious Vision University, Ogwa, Edo State, pp243-250.
12.) Garba, K.A. andIbraheem, I.A. (2020). Accountability media and liberal political culture in Nigeria: An appraisal of Hallin and Mancini’. Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 12, No.2, pp. 83-91., Nigeria.
13.) Garba, K.A. andIbraheem, I.A. (2019). Testing the limits of freedom: The Nigerian Freedom of Information Act, media and civil society organisations. Journal Communication and Media Research, Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 172-183., Nigeria.
14.) Ibraheem, I.A., Ogwezzy-Ndisika, A.O andTejumaiye, J.A,(2018), Beyond Influence: Media and the 2015 Presidential Election. University of Lagos Communication Review, Volume 8 Number 1, pp. 141-161. Department of Mass Communication, University of Lagos.
15.) Akanni, M.T., andIbraheem, I.A., Analyzing Contemporary Press Coverage of the Indigenous People of Biafra’s campaign for secession (2018), Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD, Nigeria).
16.) Mustapha, M.L.,Ibraheem, I.A., Mustapha, L.K., & Udende Patrick (2017).Generic Framing of Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigerian Print Media: Journal of Multimedia Technology & Communication Studies Vol. 3, No. 1, June 2017., University of Lagos
17.) Abubakar, A. A.andIbraheem, I. A. (2015), Digital Public Sphere and Readers’ Response on the State of Emergency News in Selected Online Media Platforms. Journal of Social and Management Sciences, New Series, 1(1), 29 – 42.
18.) Amobi, I.T. and Ibraheem, I.A. and Husseini, S. (2015), Audience Interpretation of the Representation of Women in Nigeria Nollywood Films: A Study of Women from Different Social Contexts in Nigeria. The Nigerian Journal of Business and Social Sciences, University of Lagos, Akoka, Vol. 8 No. 2, Dry Season. Pp. 1 – 19.
19.) Obalola, M.,Omoteso, K, andIbraheem. I.(2015), Research Paradigms in Management and Organisational Studies: Taking The Debate Beyond Positivesm and Constructionism, Nigerian Journal of Management Studies, Volume 13, No. 1, pp 146 – 158.
20.) Abubakar. A.A. andIbraheem, I.A. (2015),Representation of President Jonathan Administration’s Transformation Agenda in Selected Nigerian Mainstream Newspapers, Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 7 No. 2, April, 2015. Pp. 145 – 166.
21.) Ibraheem, I.A. (2015),Relational Risk and Reputational Management: The Case of Pfizer and Trovan Drug Test in Nigeria. Human Resource Management Journal, Vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 82 – 90.
22.) Ibraheem, I.A., Ogwezzy-Ndisika, A.O., and Amobi, I.T. (2014), “Blogosphere: The Use of Social Media by Public Relations Agencies in Nigeria” Journal of Multimedia Technology & Communication Studies Vol. 2 No. 1., Pp. 1-15.
23.) Ogwezzy-Ndisika, A.O.andIbraheem, I.A, (2014), “Women’s protests as determinants of corporate social responsibility strategies by oil companies in Nigeria” Journal of Communication and Media Research Vol. 6 No. 2, October, 2014. Pp. 211 – 224.
24.) Amobi, I.T. and Ibraheem I.A. and Sunday O.(2013), Communicating the Risk of Climate Change: Knowledge, Information Sources and Perceptions of the Nature and Risks of Climate change among members of the University of Lagos community. Nigerian Journal of Business and Social Sciences. Vol. 7, No. 1, pp 5 – 20.
25.) Ibraheem, I.Aand Sunday, O. (2012), Challenges and Opportunities for Communicating Development in a Globalising World, Communication Review, Department of Mass Communication, University of Lagos, (Volume 6, Number 2. September, 2012, pp100-113).
26.) Akinfeleye, R.A. andIbraheem, I.A. (2012),Communicating the Risk of Diabetes in Nigeria: Bridging Gaps Between Research and Policy; Communication Review, Department of Mass Communication, University of Lagos, Vol. 6, Number 1, June 2012. pp. 1-18.
27.) Ibrahim, R.A. and Ibraheem, I.A. (2011), Media of Crisis: Trust and Power of Influence of the ICT Media, Communication Review, Department of Mass Communication, University of Lagos, (Volume 5, Number 2, December 2011 pp74-87).
28.) Ibraheem, I.A. and Akinboye, S. (2020). Moral Geographies, Tangential Politics, Media and Citizens’ Empowerment in Nigeria, in Olatunji R.W, Ogwezzy-Ndisika, A. And Jimoh, J. (ed), Media, Governance and Sustainable Development in Nigeria (Festschrift in Honour of Professor Lai Oso at 60), LASU Publishers, Lagos State University, pp63-90.
29.) Oso, L and Ibraheem, I.A. (2014),The Intellectual as Custodian of Public Conscience, in W. Adebanwi (ed), Public Intellectuals, the Public Sphere and the Public Spirit, Essays in Honour of Olatunji Dare, Ibadan University Press, pp31-47.
30.) Abubakar, A.A. and Ibraheem, I.A (2013),Issues and Challenges of Reporting Politics in Nigeria in Popoola, T. (ed), Specialized Reporting: A global trend in Media Trend Vol. 2, Nigerian Union of Journalists, Lagos, pp 9-39.
31.) Adewoye, O.A. and Ibraheem, I.A. (2013), Yoruba Films: An Introduction to Basic Concepts and Themes, in Popoola, T. (ed), Specialized Reporting: A global trend in Media Trend Vol. 2, Nigerian Union of Journalists, Lagos, pp252-280.
32.) Ibraheem, I.A. and Akanni, T.M. (1996), Mass Media and Democracy: An Introduction, in I.A. Ibraheem and T.M. Akanni (ed.) Mass Media and Democracy in Nigeria, Friedrich Ebert Foundation and Civil Liberties Organisation, Lagos, Nigeria.